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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Newspapers Description An account of the resource This collection consists of issues of The Virginia Gazette printed in 18th-century Norfolk and Williamsburg, Virginia. None of the Norfolk issues are digitally available through the <a href="https://research.colonialwilliamsburg.org/DigitalLibrary/va-gazettes/">Colonial Williamsburg Foundation's Virginia Gazette site</a> nor are they indexed there. Some of the Williamsburg issues are also only available on this site. Those issues have been tagged as being "unique" to this site. All issues are held by Special Collections, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library, Colonial Williamsburg Foundation and are the best copy available there. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document <h5>Page 1</h5> THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE, OR THE NORFOLK INTELLIGENCER. THURSDAY, MAY 4, 1775. NUMBER 48. UNI AEQUUS VIRTUTI EJUS AMICUS. – HOR. <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 1</h6> LONDON, FEBRUARY 11. General outlines of Lord CHATHAM’s Bill. IN the common form, it is hereby enacted, &c.. “That the declaratory law of 1766, which ordains that the British Parliament has a right to make laws sufficient to bind the co- lonies in all cases whatsoever, the several acts objected to in the petition of rights, from the delegates in congress convened at Philadelphia last September, shall be suspended, till the event of the following proposition shall be known.” It then proceeds to enact, that it shall be lawful for a congress to meet at Phi- ladelphia on the 9th of May next, to delibe- rate on and agree to the two following main points; that the said delegates thus assembled, shall in the first place recognize the supremacy and grand controlling superintending power of the British legislature in every point whatso- ever, relating to commercial regulation, ex- cept as thereafter provided for. And secondly, that they (the delegates) shall submit to con- tribute towards the support of the public bur- dens, a certain specific sum to be granted to his Majesty, to be under, directed, and appro- priated by parliament. When those conditi- ons are complied with and are assented to by a solemn recognition on the part of America, then the said laws mentioned in the said claim or petition of rights are to be actually and bona fide repealed; and the respective provin- cial assemblies are to proceed in their usual manner to make the necessary provisions for support of their civil governments, according to the mode heretofore uniformly practiced. It then enters into the discussion of the purport of the resolves of the delegates in congress, respecting the quartering and stationing a stand- ing army in times of peace in the colonies, and asserts, in the fullest, clearest, and most determinate manner, that the ordering, quar- tering, and stationing the military force of the kingdom, is one of the greatest constitutional, inherent, and unalienable prerogatives of the crown, on no pretence or colour whatever to be denied or controverted, and accurately draws the line intended by the bill of rights, presented at the revolution, as distinguishing between an army kept up in time of peace, without the consent, and one actually raised, embodied and paid, by and with the consent of parliament. The last material clause in this celebrated bill is relative to the payment of the judges, and the tenure on which they are to hold their places. It ordains that they shall not hold their places at the pleasure of, nor be paid by the crown; but that both shall be formed exactly on the model, already hap- pily established in this country, that is, they shall hold their seats quamdiu se bene gesserint, and they shall be paid their salaries by the res- pective provinces where they reside; but to be, however, appointed by the crown. He labour- ed and explained those two last great constitu- tional points, with a force of oratory, a strength of reasoning, a magnitude of conception, a brilliancy of expression, and a fund of informa- tion and political knowledge, that would have done infinite honour to the greatest, the wisest orators, statesmen, or patriots, that Rome or Athens ever saw. The noble Lords who voted in support of Lord Chatham’s plan of reconciliation with America were the following: The Dukes of Scarborough, Ferrers, Cumberland, Cholmondeley, Craven, Richmond, Strafford, Romney, Devonshire, Tankerville, King, Portland, Stanhope, Fortesecue, Manchester, Effrngham, Ponsonby, Northumberland, Fitzwilliams, Lyttleton, Marquis of Rockingham, Temple, Wycombe, Radnor, Sondes, Spencer, Milton, The Earls of Stamford, Abingdon, The Lords Abergavenny, Camden 32. </div> <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 2</h6> The speakers for the bill were Lord Chat- ham, Lord Camden, the Duke of Richmond, the Duke of Manchester, and Earl Temple. ---Against it, the Earl of Sandwich, the Duke of Grafton, Lord Gower, the Lord Chancellor, Earl of Hilsborough, and Lord Dartmouth. If the ___viz. the 24 bishops, the 16 Scots peers, and the 20 officers of state are deducted, the number who voted against Lord Chat- ham’s plan of reconciliation will be only eight. Feb. 16. At a court of Common-Council held on Friday last, that court came to the following resolution: ”That the thanks of this court be given to to the Earl of Chatham, for having offered to the H. of Lords a plan for conciliating the differences which unfortunately subsist between the administration in this country and its Ame- rican colonies; and to all those who supported that noble Lord in so humane and constitu- tional a measure.” At a Court of Common council held yester- day, the town clerk acquainted the Court that he had waited on the Right Hon. The Earl of Chatham, with the thanks of the Court agreed to on Friday last, to which his Lordship return- ed the following answer: ”Lord Chatham desires the favour of Mr. Town Clerk to offer to my Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and Commons, in Common Coun- cil assembled, his most respectful and grateful acknowledgements for the signal honour they have been pleased to confer on the mere dis- charge of his duty in a moment of impending calamity. ”Under deep impressions of former marks of favourable construction during the evil hour of a dangerous foreign war, he now deems himself too fortunate to find his efforts for preventing the ruin and horrors of a civil war, approved, honoured and strengthened, by the great corporate bond of the Kingdom.” At a Court of Commons council held on Monday last, the following resolutions were agreed to: Resolved, that the present situation of our public affairs, in consequence of the severe pro- ceedings against the American colonies, is so exceedingly alarming, that it is the duty of this Court to use every possible endeavour to prevent all further oppression, and to obtain relief to so numerous and valuable a part of our fellow subjects. Resolved, that as a bill is proposed to be brought into Parliament, to prohibit the New- England fishery, which, if complied with, may materially injure the commercial interests of this city, and of the kingdom in general, the Lord Mayor may be requested by this Court to convene the same to consider whether it may not be the duty of this Court to petition parliament against the said proposed bill, the principles of which, so far as they have hither- to declared, appearing to be repugnant to just- tice and the true interest of the British empire. At a court of common council held yester- day at Guildhall, (after the matters to be ob- jected to in the Massachusetts-Bay bill were re- ferred to a committee, who are to make their report to-morrow at another court of common council to be then holden) the following reso- lutions were come to: Resolved, that the measures of administra- tion, respecting our fellow subjects in Ameri- ca, adopted by the late parliament, appear to this court in the highest degree dangerous and alarming, and demand our most serious at- tention. Resolved, that as the opinion of this court hath already been very fully and particularly declared against an act of the late Parliament, intituled, “An act for making more effectual provision for the government of Quebec, in North-America;” we think it equally our duty to bear testimony also against our other acts of the said parliament, which we esteem high- </div> <div class="”column"> <h6>Column 3</h6> ly injurious to our fellow subjects in America, viz.: An act for the better regulating the government of the province of Massachusetts- Bay;” also, “An act for the impartial admi- nistration of justice in the cases of persons ques- tioned for any acts done by them in the execu- tion of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of the Massachu- setts-Bay;” and also “An act to discontinue the landing and discharging, &c. of goods, wares, and merchandizes at the town, and within the harbour of Boston;” and also an act, intituled, “An act for the better provi- ding suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his Majesty’s service in North-America;” they appearing to this court to be not only contrary to many of the fundamental princi- ples of the English constitution and most es- sential rights of the subject, but also apparently inconsistent with natural justice and equity; and we are therefore of opinion, that our fel- low-subjects the Americans are justified in every constitutional opposition to the said acts. HOUSE of LORDS, Die Martis, 7 Feb. 1775. THE Lord President reported, that the managers for the Lords had met the managers for the Commons at a conference, which on the part of the Commons was mana- ged by Lord North, who acquainted the mana- gers for the Lords, that they had taken into consideration the state of his Majesty's colonies in North-America, and had agreed upon an address to be presented to his Majesty, to which they desired the concurrence of this House. Then his Lordship read the address deliver- ed at the conference---and the same being again read by the clerk, the Earl of Dart- mouth and the Marquis of Rockingham both rising to speak, a debate arose who should speak first. The question was put, whether the Earl of Dartmouth should now be heard? It was resolved in the affirmative. Moved to agree with the Commons in the said address, by filling up the blank with (the Lord Spiritual and Temporal: Which being objected to, and a question stated thereupon? After a long debate, the pre- vious question was put, whether the main question shall now be put? Contents - - - - 90 104 Proxies - - - 14 Non-Contents - - 29 29 Proxies - - - 00 It was resolved in the affirmative. Dissentient. 1st. The previous question was moved, not to prevent the proceeding in the address, com- municated at the conference with the Com- mons, but in order to present the petitions of the North-American merchants and of the West-India merchants and planters, which petitions the house might reject if frivolous, or postpone if not urgent, as it might seem fit to their wisdom; but to hurry on the business to which these petitions so materially and directly related, the express prayer of which was, that they might be heard before “any resolution may be taken by this Right Honourable House respecting America,” to refuse so much as to suffer them to be presented, is a proceeding of the most unwarrantable nature, and directly subversive of the most sacred rights of the sub- ject. It is the more particularly exceptionable, as a lord in his place, at the express desire of the West-India merchants, informed the house, that if necessitated so to do, they were ready without council or farther preparation, in- stantly to offer evidence to prove, that several islands of the West-Indies could not be able to subsist after the operation of the proposed ad- dress in America. Justice in regard to indivi- duals, policy with regard to the public, and decorum with regard to ourselves, required that we should admit this petition to be pre- sented. By refusing it, justice is denied. </div> <h5>Page 2</h5> <div class="column"> <h6>Column 1</h6> 2dly. Because the papers laid upon our table by the ministers, are so manifestly defective and so avowedly curtailed, that we can derive from them nothing like information of the true state of this object on which we are going to act, or of the consequences of the resolutions which we may take. We ought (as we con- ceive) with gladness to have accepted that in- formation from the merchants, which, if it had not been voluntarily offered, it was our duty to seek: there is no information concern- ing the state of our colonies (taken in any point of view) which the merchants are not far more competent to give, than Governors or Offi- cers, who often know far less of the temper and disposition, or may be more disposed to misrepresent it than the merchants. Of this we have a full and melancholy experience in the mistaken ideas on which the fatal effects of the late parliament were formed. 3dly. Because we are of opinion, that in en- tering into a war, in which mischief and incon- venience are great and certain (but the utmost extent of which it is impossible to foresee) true policy requires that those who are most likely to be immediately affected, should be thorough- ly satisfied of the deliberation with which it was taken; and we apprehend that the plan- ters, merchants, and manufacturers, will not bear their losses and burthens, brought on them by the proposed civil war, the better for our refusing so much as to hear them previous to engaging in that war; nor will our precipita- tion in resolving , add much to the success in executing any plan that may be pursued. We protest therefore against the refusal to suffer such petitions to be presented, and we thus clear ourselves to our country of the dis grace and mischief which must attend this un- constitutional, indecent and improvident pro- ceeding. RICHMOND, PORTLAND, PONSONBY, CAMDEN, ARCHER, FITZWILLIAM, ROCKINGHAM, SCARBOROUGH, WYCOMBE, ABERGAVENNY, EFFINGHAM, ABINGTON, TORRINGTON, CRAVEN, STANHOPE, COURTENAY, CHOLMONDELEY, TANKERVILLE. Then the main question was put, whether to agree with the Commons in the said address by inserting the words, (Lords Spiritual and Temporal) and It was resolved in the affirmative, Contents 87. Not Contents 27. Dissentient, 1st. Because the violent matter of this dan- gerous address was highly aggravated by the violent manner in which it was precipitately hurried through the House. Lords were not allowed the interposition of a moment’s time for deliberation, before they were driven head- long into a declaration of a civil war. A con- ferrence was held with the Commons, an ad- dress of this Importance presented, all extra- neous information, although offered, positively refused; all petitions arbitrarily rejected, and the whole of this most awful business received, debated, and concluded, in a single day. 2dly. Because no legal grounds were laid, in argument or in fact, to shew that a rebellion, properly so called, did exist in Massachusetts’s- Bay, when the papers of the latest date, and from whence alone we derive our information, were written. The overt-acts to which the species of treason affirmed in the address ought to be applied, were not established, nor any offenders marked out; but a general mass of the acts of turbulence, said to be done at vari- ous times and places, and of various natures, were all thrown together, to make out one gep- neral constructive treason: Neither was there any sort of proof of the continuance of any unlawful force, from whence we could infer that a rebellion dies now exist. And we are the more cautious of pronouncing any part of his Majesty’s dominions to be in actual rebellion, because the cases of constructive treason under that branch of the 25th of Edward the Third, which describes the crime of rebellion, have been already so far extended by the judges, and the distinctions so nice and subtle, that no prudent man ought to declare any single per- son in that situation, without the clearest evi- dence of uncontrovertible overt-acts to war- rant such a declaration: Much less ought so high an authority as both Houses of Parlia- ment, to denounce so severe a judgement against a considerable part of his Majesty’s subjects, by which his forces may think themselves justi </div> <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 2</h6> fied in commencing a war, without any fur- ther order or commission. 3dly. Because we think that several acts of the late Parliament, and several late proceedings of administration with regard to the Colonies, are real grievances and just causes of complaint, and we cannot in honour or in conscience, con- sent to an address which commends the tem- per by which proceedings, so very intemperate, have been carried on; nor can we persuade our- selves to authorize violent courses against per- sons in the Colonies who have resisted autho- rity, without at the same time redressing the grievances which have given but too much pro- vocation for their behaviour. 4thly. Because we think the loose and general assurances given by the address, of future re- dress of grievances, in case of submission, is far from satisfactory or at all likely to produce their end, whilst the acts complained of con- tinue unrepealed, or unamended, and their authors remain in authority here; because these advisers of all the measures which have brought on the calamities of this empire, will not be trusted whilst they defend as just, necessary, and even indulgent, all the acts complained of as grievances, by the Americans; and must therefore, on their own principles, be bound in future to govern the colonies in the manner, which has already produced such fatal effects; and we fear that the refusal of this House, so much as to receive previous to determina- tion (which is the most offensive mode of re- jection) petitions from the unoffending natives of Great-Britain and the West-India islands, affords but a very discouraging prospect of our obtaining hereafter any petitions at all, from those whom we have declared actors in rebellion, or abettors of that crime. Lastly. Because the means of enforcing the authority of the British legislature, is con- signed to persons of whose capacity for that purpose, from abundant experience we have reason to doubt, and who have hitherto used no effectual means of conciliating or of reducing those who oppose that authority: This appears in the constant failure of all their projects, the insufficiency of all their information, and the disappointment of all the hopes, which they have for several years held out to the public. Parliament has never refused any of their pro- posals, and yet our affairs have proceeded daily from bad to worse, until we have been brought, step by step, to that state of confusion, and even civil violence, which was the natural re- sult of these desperate measures. We therefore protest against an address a- mounting to a declaration of war, which is founded on no proper parliamentary informa- tion; which was introduced by refusing to suffer the presentation of petitions against it (although it be the undoubted right of the sub- ject to present the same); which followed the rejection of every mode of conciliation; which holds out no substantial offer of redress of grievances; and which promises support to those ministers who have inflamed America, and misconducted the affairs of Great-Britain. RICHMOND, CHOLMONDELEY, CRAVEN, ABINGDON, ARCHER, PORTLAND, ABERGAVENNY, CAMDEN, ROCKINGHAM, EFFINGHAM, WYCOMBE, STANHOPE, COURTENAY, SCARBOROUGH, TORRINGTON, FITZWILLIAM, PONSONBY, TANKERVILLE. A circumstantial account of the important debates in the American committee on Lord North’s motion of Monday, Feb. 20. ON Sunday evening, a Treasury letter, deferring an at- tendance in the House for the next day, was sent to the most active persons in opposition, as well as to all those who support Ministry, as Lord North had a mo- tion of importance to make. It is unusual to send such letters to the members who oppose. This message there- fore occasioned much speculation. Early on Monday, it was universally given our that Lord North intended to move a conciliatory proposition, which would have a ten- dency to quiet the troubles that unhappily distract the British empire. About 4 o’clock, Sir Charles Whitworth took the chair in the American committee. Lord North immedi- ately rose, and having laid open his design, in a speech of rather less than an hour, concluded with the following mo- tion: ”That it is the opinion of this committee, that when ”the Governor, Council, and Assembly, or General ”Court of any of his Majesty’s provinces or colonies in ”American, shall propose to make provision, according ”to the conditions, circumstances, and situation of such ”province or colony, for contributing their proportion ”to the common defence (such proportion to be raised ”under the authority of the General Court or General ”Assembly of such province or colony, and disposable ”by Parliament) and shall engage to make provision also ”for the support of civil government, and the adminis- </div> <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 3</h6> ”tration of justice in such province as or colony, it will be ”proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his Ma- ”jesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so ”long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to ”forbear, in respect of such province or colony to levy ”any duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties ”as it may be expedient to impose for the regulation of ”commerce; the neat produce of the duties last mention- ”ed to be carried to the account of such province, or co- ”lony respectively.” The motion was supported by Governor Pownal, Mr. Jenkinson, Sir G. Elliot, Mr. Cornwall and Mr. Wed- derburne. The principal argument used by these Gentlemen, and particularly by Lord North, in favour of the proposition, were the following: “That in the late address of the two Houses, a promise was given to redress the grievances of the Americans. It was indeed impossible to define what Parliament ought to deem a real grievance, among the many factious complaints of the Americans; but as there was one point upon which they and others were most particularly clamorous, the matter of taxation, it would be proper to come to a fair and indulgent explana- tion on that subject; and as many new restrictions on the trade of the Americans had been already proposed, and as many more were intended, in that situation, the colonists ought fairly to know what they are to expect and what is expected by them. Justice and policy (he said) required that every person, under any government, should be compelled to become contributory to that government according to his ability, and to the support he derives from it. This principle ought to extend to the colonies, and to all other depen- dencies of this empire, just as much as to any part of Great-Britain; and the slightest relaxation of any penal or restrictive statutes now made, or hereafter to be made in consequence of their disobedience and continuancy, ought not to be so much as listened to, until they come to Parliament and offer such contributions as that sove- reign judge and legislature should decide to be their just and fair proportion towards the common defence of the whole empire, and that this offer must be understood as the condition upon which we are to accept their allege- ance. This proposition ought not to be settled by a Congress. Such a mode could only tend to promote factious combi- nations in the colonies; who, as colonies, have no sort of relation among themselves. They are all the colonies of Great-Britain, and it is through her alone that they have any relation to each other. At present the quota which each colony ought to pay cannot be settled; but the proportions (when the Ameri- cans come to make their offers) must be adjusted upon the following standard: “The wealth and population of each colony, its advantages relatively to the other colonies, and its proportion to the wealth and other advantages, taken together with the burthens and necessities, of Great- Britain. There had been much talk of restrictions on the trade of the colonies, but when the goods which they take from this country only, because they are the best and the cheapest, shall be deducted from the account of re- striction, the Americans will have but little ground for exemption on that account, and they will be found so much on a par with the inhabitants of Great-Britain in commercial advantages, that reason and justice require they should be put on a par with regard to their contri- tions, and to pay (after the above deduction) full as much in taxes as the people of Great-Britain. Seventy millions of debt, in the last war, was incurred solely on their account; and, in equity, the Americans ought to bear at least their fair proportion of it. The army and navy of England are employed for their protection, in common with the rest of the empire; they ought, there- fore, to contribute both to the army and the navy. And when a fleet is sent to the East-Indies, the colonies ought to pay their share of the charges, just as well as when it is stationed on the coast of North-America; for this force being for the common benefits, the colonies are virtually included in the protection derived from it, wherever it is employed. As to the mode of taxation, provided the substantial sup- ply is obtained, it is our interest to indulge the colonies in this particular as much as we can; partly because we may not be as knowing in the detail as the American Assemblies, and we may oppress when we meant only to tax, and partly because it has been found almost impossible for Parliament to lay taxes there, which would produce any thing in any degree adequate to their purposes. Lord North confessed that he rather imagined this pro- position would not be to the taste of the Americans, and and would not be complied with by several of the colonies. However, if but ONE of them submitted, that ONE link of the chain would be broken; and if so, the whole would inevitably fall to pieces. This separation would restore our empire and “divide et impera” was a maxim never held unfair or unwise in government. If this hope should be frustrated, and that the proposition should do no good in America, it will not however fail doing some good in England: First, it will stand as an eternal monument of the wisdom and clemency, of the humanity and justice of British go- vernment; secondly, it will show to the traders and ma- nufacturers of England the temper and moderation of Parliament, and the obstinacy and disaffection of the Ame- ricans, and will of course support them under the decay and loss of trade, and all the miseries of war; they will bear with patience all these temporary losses, when they are assured that they are incurred for the sake of a large revenue, which is to ease them from the many and heavy taxes which at present oppress their industry; thirdly, it will animate the officers and soldiers we send out to Ame- rica to a vigorous and manly exertion of their native cou- rage, without doubt of scruple, when they are assured they no longer fight for a phantom, and a vain empty point of honour, but for a substantial benefit to their county, which is to relieve her in her greatest exigencies. That this is putting the quarrel, at last, upon a proper ground; a dispute for revenue, a dispute to compel Ame- rica to come to the relief of Great-Britain. That it was no conceding proposition, but what true policy must sug- gest, if they had actually subdued America, and had her prostrate at their feet. That is not to abandon the authority of Parliament, but to confirm it; it is to en- force it in the most effectual manner, and for the most essential objects, because the TAXING power is by THIS resolution in the hands of Parliament, and to be exercised merely according to its discretion. All the vigorous mea- </div> <h5>Page 3</h5> <div class="“column”"> <h6>Column 1</h6> sures, either by penal laws, or by the military force, are to go on exactly as before; no farther relaxation whatso- ever is intended. This is the ultimatum. If it should seem to be abandoning the high ground taken in the address, or to be contrary to the assurances so frequently given, “that no terms should be held out to American previous to its submission,” this is nothing (said Lord North) but what is common. The greatest powers have done it. In the war of the succession, it was a fundamental point that no Prince of the House of Bourbon should ever sit on the throne of Spain. This was several times repeated, and in the most solemn manner. Such politics are necessary to gain or to animate allies, yet all the powers which composed this confederacy yield ed; and a Prince of the House Bourbon did sit, and one of the same House does now sit, on the throne of Spain. In the Spanish war of 1739, we declared that we should never treat with Spain until she had given up the point of search; yet peace was made without her giving up this point, and the search continues. Lord North added to these several other instances in which great powers had abandoned their pretentions, and disappointed the hopes they had held out to their allies. Such is the substance of the plan, and of arguments used in support of it. The House, at first, seemed strange- ly agitated and divided. Almost all of those who usually support Ministry manifested so great a dislike of the mea- sure, that many apprehended Lord North, on the division, would be found in a minority. On the other hand, seve- ral in opposition seemed unwilling to vote against any thing which carried with it even the name of conciliation with the colonies. However, as the debate proceeded, the true nature and purpose of the proposition was more fully developed. The opposition to it went different ways and on totally different grounds. One one side, it was opposed by Mr. Welbore Ellis, Vice Treasurer of Ireland; by the Solicitor General of Scotland; by Mr. Adams, Mr. Ackland, and some others of the minister- rial members. Mr. Ellis declared, that possibly he might differ from every other Gentleman, and stand quite single; but it was his opinion the House would be sunk, by the accep- tance of the noble Lord’s motion, into the lowest state of degradation. A very few days ago, no less than three hundred of them had carried up to the Lords an address, declaring all the colonies in a state of disobedience, and one of them in actual rebellion; an address offering their lives and fortunes for the suppression of that rebellion, an address making the pervious submission of the Ame- ricans in their humble petition to parliament, and their acknowledgement of its authority, conditions indispensable to all redress of grievances, real or imaginary. In a few days after, without any reason assigned, without any known variation of circumstances, without any petition, submission, or acknowledgement, whatsoever, for the house to come to a resolution directly contradictory to the former, was the most humiliatory stroke to the dig- nity of parliament, which, in his long experience, he had ever remembered. Nothing could so highly reflect upon its courage, honour, wisdom, and consistency: but as the subject was full of irritation, and as he was afraid, though a very old member, that he might be betrayed into some improper expressions, he chose to sit down with- out farther discussion of a matter which indeed spoke so fully for itself. The same line of argument was taken by the other Gentlemen on the court side, who opposed the motion upon the principle of its inconsistency with all the for- mer declarations of administration, and with the late ad- dress of both houses of parliament. The Gentlemen of the minority, who had opposed all measures of severity towards America, declared with a marked solemnity, that they came to the House, on the report of the change of measures, with a full resolu- tion of supporting any thing which might lead in any way towards conciliation; but that they found the proposition altogether insidious in its nature, and therefore purposely rendered, to the last degree, obscure and perplexed in its language. Instead of being at all fitted to produce peace, it was calculated to increase the disorders and confusion in America, and therefore that they never could consent to it. On this side, debate was supported with remarkable force and spirit, by Mr. T. Townsend, Mr. Fox, Col. Barre, Mr. Burke, Mr. Dunning, and Lord John Ca- vendish. They readily admitted, with Mr. Ellis, and with the Solicitor General of Scotland, that the proposition was a contradiction to every thing that parliament had declar- ed; a shameful prevarication in ministers, and a mean departure from every declaration that had been made. They were willing, however, to purchase peace by any humi- liations of Ministers, and, by what was of so far more moment, even by the humiliation of Parliament; but the measure was mean indeed, but not at all conciliatory. One benefit, however, was derived from it; for (said Mr. Fox) it has re-established the credit and signalized the power, of the true constitutional Whiggish principle of resistance. This had already reduced the proudest tyran- ny, had made it renounce its high declarations and stoop to meanness and fraud, the sure forerunner of rout and dismay. That as Lord North had already been staggered into this unheard of act of irresolution and inconstancy, there might be some hope of his proceeding to others which might be really lenient, if it were not the nature of inconsistency not to proceed in may certain track; and that the same want of a fixed principle, which led him to renounce his first plan, might induce him perhaps as suddenly, to return to it. That the mode of argument, on the side of ministry, was the most ridiculous that ever had been known in parliament. They attempted to prove to one side of the house, that the measure was a conces- sion; and to the other, that it was a strong assertion of authority; just on the silly principles of the tea act, which to Great-Britain was to be a duty of supply, to the Americans a tax regulation. They were likewise (they said) astonished at another extraordinary phenomenon. To this day, during the whole course of the American debates, the ministry have daily and hourly denied their having any sort of contest about an American revenue. That the whole was a dis- pute for obedience to trade laws, and to the general leg- islative authority. Now they turn short; and to console them, for the first time, “the dispute is put on its true footing, and that the grand contest is, not for empty ho- </div> <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 2</h6> nour, but substantial revenue.” But manufacturers and soldiers will not be so consoled, or so animated, because the revenue is as much an empty phantom as the honour; and the whole scheme of the resolution oppressive, absurd, and impractical, and what indeed the ministers confess, the Americans will not accept. It is oppressive, because it was never the complaint of the Americans that the mode of taxation was not left to themselves, but that neither the amount and quantum of the grant, nor the application, was in their free choice. This was their complaint, and their complaint was just. What else is to be taxed by act of parliament in which they are not represented, but for parliament to settle the proportion of the payment, and the application of the money? This is the purport of the present resolution. If an act of par- liament compelled the city of Amsterdam to raise an hun- dred thousand pounds, is not Amsterdam as effectually taxed without its consent as if duties to that amount were laid on that city? To leave them the mode may be of some case, as to the collection; but it is nothing to the freedom of granting, in which the colonies are so far from being relieved by this resolution, that their condition is to be ten times worse than ever. For the minority contended, that it is a far more op- pressive mode of taxing than that hitherto used; for here no determinate demand is made. The colonies are to be held in durance by troops; fleets, and armies, until singly and separately they shall do what? Until they shall of- fer to contribute to a service which they cannot know, in a proportion which they cannot guess, on a standard which they are so far from being able to ascertain, that parlia- ment, which is to hold it, has not ventured to hint what it is they expect. They are to be held prisoners of war, unless they consent to a ransom, by bidding out an aucti- on against each other and against themselves, until the King and parliament shall strike down the hammer, and say “enough.” The species of auction to be terminated not at the dis- creation of the bidder, but at the will of the sovereign power, was a kind of absurd tyranny, which they chal- lenged the ministers to produce any example of, in the practice of this or of any other nation. What was said to be most like this method of setting the colony assem- blies at guessing what contributions might be most agree- able to us in some future time, was the tyranny of Ne- buchadnezzaar, who, having forgot a dream of his, or- dered the assemblies of his wise men, on pain of death, not only to interpret his dream, but to tell him what his dream was. To set the impracticability and absurdity of this scheme in the stronger light, they asked, in case an assembly made an offer which should not be thought sufficient by parliament, was not the business to walk back again to America, and so on backwards and forwards as often as the offer displeased parliament? And then, instead of ob- taining peace by this proposition, all our distractions and confusions will be increased tenfold, and continued for ever. It was said, indeed, by the minister, that this scheme will disunite the colonies. Tricks in government had sometimes, it was admitted, been successful; but never when they were known, avowed, and hacknied. That the Boston port bill was a declared cheat, and according- ly far from succeeding; it was the very first thing that untied all the colonies against us, from Nova -Scotia to Georgia. As to the pretended justice of this enforced contributi- on, from the debt incurred on the sole account of Ame- rica, Col. Barr said,, it was false and futile We must defend our dominions, wherever they are attacked by our enemies; but to charge the part attacked as the cause of the burthen brought on by that defense, is ridiculous. It was not the ambition of the colonies, but the designs of France aiming at an empire in America, which caused that debt. The idea of deducting the value of goods supposed to be taken by the colonists, because we sold cheap, at a time when we did not suffer the colonies to make the trial, and by such arithmetic to deduce the propriety of their paying in nearly an equal proportion with the people of England (they said) was of a piece with the rest of the policy and the argument of this profound project. Mr. Burke strongly declared against any scheme which began by any mode of extorting revenue. That every benefit, natural or political, must be had in the order of things, and in its proper season. Revenue from a free people must be the consequence of peace, not the condition on which it is to be obtained. That if we attempt to insert this in order, we shall have neither peace nor revenue. If we are resolved to eat our grapes crude and sour, in- stead of obtaining nourishment, we shall only set an edge on our own teeth, and those of our posterity for ever. They all urged, therefore, for the reconsideration, un- til it could be brought to some agreement with common sense. They moved, “that the chairman do now leave the chair, and have leave to sit again.” The minister, distracted by an opposition from such opposite quarters, seemed ready to sink under it. His al- lies focused on the point of desertion, until the great BUTE STANDARD was displayed by Sir Gilbert El- liot, when most of them fell again into order, and, though ashamed and mortified, voted with the minister. The instantaneous effect of the few words spoken by the STANDARD BEARER, after Lord North had been five times on his legs, and only made matters worse and worse, was painted by Mr. Dunning in a vein of the most delicate irony. The numbers, upon the division, were: Ayes 274 Noes 88. WILLIAMSBURG, APRIIL 29. This morning arrived an express from the Northward, with the following advices NEW-ENGLAND. Watertown, Wednesday morning, near 10 of the clock. TO all friends of American liberty, be it known, that this morning, before break of day, a brigade consist- ing of about 1000 or 12000 men landed at Phipp’s farm, at Cambridge, and marched to Lexington, where they found a company of our colony militia in arms, upon whom they fired without any provocation, and killed six men, and wounded four others. The bearer, Trail Brissel is charged to alarm the country quite to Connec- ticut; and all persons are desired to furnish him with fresh horses, as they may be needed. I have spoken with seve- ral, who have seen the dead and wounded. Pray let the </div> <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 3</h6> delegates from this colony to Connecticut see this; they know Col. Foster, one of the delegates. J. PALM[illegible, smudged] of the committee. A true copy from the ori [illegible, smudged] per order of the com- mittee of correspondence of Worcester, April, 1775. Attested and forwarded by the committee of Brookline, Norwich, New-London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingsworth, E. Guilford, Bandford, and New-Haven. Since the above written we have received the following by a second express. Thursday, three o’clock afternoon. SIR, I am this moment informed by an express, from Wood- stock, taken from the mouth of the express, then two o’clock, afternoon, that the contest between the first bri- gade that marched to Concord, was still continuing this morning at the town of Lexington, to which said brigade had retreated, that another brigade, said to be the second mentioned in the latter of this morning, landed with a quantity of artillery, at the place where the first did. The provincials were determined to prevent the two bri- gades from joining their strength if possible, and remain in great need of succonr. N. B. The regulars when in Concord, burnt the court-house, took two pieces of cannon, which they ren- dered useless, and began to take up Concord bridge; on which Capt. _____(who with many on both sides, were soon killed) made an attack upon the King’s troops, on which they retreated to Lexington. To Col. Ob. Johnson{illegible, smudged] I am, Canterbury, E.B. WILLIAMS. P. S. Mr. McFarlan of Plainfield, merchant, has just returned from Boston by way of Providence, who con- versed with an express from Lexington, who further in- forms, that 4000 of our troops had surrounded the first brigade above-mentioned, who were on a hill in Lexing- ton, that the action continued and there were about 50 of our men killed, and 150 of the regulars as near as they could determine, when the express came away. It will be expedient for every man to go who is fit and willing. The above is a true copy as received per express from New-Haven, and attested to by the committee of corres- pondence, from town to town. Attest. Jonathan Sturgis, Andrew Rowland Committee. Thadius Burr, Job Bartram, The above was received yesterday at four o’clock, by the committee of New-York, and forwarded to Philadelphia, by Isaac Low, chairman of the committee at New-York. NORFOLK, May 4, 1775. Extract from a paper received by the Caesar, Wood, in six weeks from BRISTOL. LONDON, March 11. HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 9. THIS day the expectations of all men, both within door and without, were wound up to the highest pitch. it being whispered for some days past, by those who pretend to be in the secret, that the minister intended to propose a bill that would at one chatm his friends, con- found his enemies, and please the people on both sides of the Atlantic. After the benches had been all crowded, a silence of some minutes ensued, and up rose the Minister, not to open his grand conciliatory plan, but to extend the powers of his New-England restraining bill to all the other principal provinces on the American continent. He said, that as the colonies were come to an agreement to carry on no trade whatever with Great-Britain, Ireland, or the West-Indies, he was clearly of opinion that it be- came indispensably necessary to restrain their commerce, and prevent them from trading with any other country. He therefore made the following motion: --That the Chairman be directed to move the House, that leave be given to bring in a bill to restrain the trade and commerce of the colonies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South-Carolina, to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British Islands in the West-Indies, under certain conditions and limitations.-----After a short debate, the bill was ordered in. By a Gentleman arrived from Salem on Sunday last, we have a confirmation of the melancholy tidings relative to an engagement between the regulars and provincials near Boston: From the accounts given by this gentleman, there is great reason to believe, that unless the regulars had found means to reach Boston the day after the skir- mish began, the most of them are cut off. The report at Salem was, that the object of their hazardous expedi- tion from Boston, was to seize the persons of Messieurs Hancock and Adams. We wait with impatience for the particulars of this very interesting event. His Excellency the Governor, we hear, with his family have retired on board his Majesty’s ship the Fowey, now ly- ing at York, in consequence of the disturbances occasion- ed by the removal of the powder from the public maga- zine at Williamsburg. Various reports have been spread of an intention to seize the guns and field pieces lying at different places up- on the rivers in this colony, in consequence of which we hear, that in some counties they have removed them into the country, out of the reach of the armed vessels stati- oned among us; and in others, guards are established to watch against any attempt to carry them off. It is with pleasure we can inform the public of the zeal the militia of this borough discover to perfect themselves in the military exercise, and that they seem heartily dis- posed to prepare themselves for every emergency upon which their country may call them. NORFOLK, May 1, 1775. FOR LIVERPOOL. THE ship Greenwood, Mackey Reed master, will sail in a fortnight, can take in (be- sides what is engag’d) about 120 hogsheads or 600 barrels, on liberty of consignment; she has also excellent accom- modations for passengers.---For terms, apply to GREENWOOD, RITSON, & MARSH. THE partnership of HARMANSON and HARVEY being dissolved, all persons indebted to said partnership are requested to be speedy in payment, and those that have any accounts against the partnership are desired to bring them in to WILLIAM HARVEY. Who has for sale, Jamaica Spirits, Madeira Wine of the New-York Quality, Coffee, Chocolate, Bar Iron, and Wheat Fans, also, a pair of Lead Pumps for a Vessel. </div> <h5>Page 4</h5> <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 1</h6> The SPEECH of the Right Honorable the LORD MAYOR of LONDON, in favor of AMERICA, on the Motion of Lord NORTH for an Address to this MAJESTY, to declare the Province of MASSACHUSETTS-BAY in rebellion. Mr. SPEAKER, THE business now before the House, re- specting America, is of as great import- ance as was ever debated in Parliament. It comprehends almost every question of policy and legislation. I do not mean to enter so vast, so well trodden a field. I will confine myself to the business before us. –The Address now reported from the Committee of the whole House, appears to me unfounded, rash and sanguinary, and most unjustly to draw the sword against America; but before administra- tion are suffered to plunge this nation into the horrors of a civil war, before they are permit- ted to force Englishmen to sheath their swords in the bowels of their fellow-subjects, I hope this House will seriously weight the original ground and cause of this unhappy dispute, and in time reflect, whether justice is on our side. The assumed right of Taxation without the consent of the subject, is plainly the primary cause of the present quarrel. Have we, Sir any right to tax the Americans: --That is the question. The fundamental laws of human nature, and the principle of the English consti- tution, are equally repugnant to the claim. The very idea of property excludes the right of others taking any thing from me without my consent, otherwise I cannot call it my own.—What pro- perty have I in what another person cane seize at his pleasure? If we can tax the Americans without their consent; they have no property, nothing which they can call their own, we might take their all. The words “LIBERTY and PROPERTY,” so dear to an Englishman, so pleasing in our ears, would become mockery and insult to an American. The laws of society are professedly calculated to secure the property of each individual, of every subject of the state. The great principles of the constitution under which we live, likewise clearly determines this point. All subsidies to the Crown are grants from the Commons, free gifts of the people. Their full consent is always expressed in the grant. Much has been said of the Palatine of Chester, and the Principality of Wales, and the period of their taxation; but, Sir, there is a more remarkable case in point, which alone would determine the question. If any gentle- man will search the records in the tower, they will find that the town of Calais in France, when it belonged to the Imperial Crown of these realms. was not taxed till it sent Repre- sentatives to Parliament. Two Burgesses from Calais actually sat and voted in this House. Then, and not till then, was Calais taxed. The writ of Chancery, and the return to it, in the Reign of Edward VI. with the names of the Burgesses, are still extant. I faithfully give them to the public for attested copies. But, Sir, it will be said, is America then to enjoy the protection of Great-Britain, and to contribute nothing towards the support of that very state, which has so long given it protection and security, which has nursed it up to its pre- sent greatness?---The Americans themselves have given he fullest answer to this objection in a manner not to be controverted, by their con- duct through a series of years, and by the most explicit declarations. Equally in words and acti- ons, of the most unequivocal nature, they have demonstrated their love, their ardor, their strong filial piety towards the mother country. They have always appeared ready, not only to contri- bute towards the expence of their own govern, ment, but likewise to the wants and necessities of this state, although perhaps they may not be over fond of all the proud, expensive trappings of royalty. In the two last wars they far exceed- ed the cold line of prudence. With the most liberal hears they gave you almost their all, and they fought gallantly by your side with equal valor against your and their enemy, against the common enemy of mankind, the ambitions and faithless French whom we now fear and flatter. Our journals, Sir, will bear witness to the grateful sense we had of the im- portant service of Americans, and the great </div> <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 2</h6> sums we voted to be repaid them, for what they expended in the spirited expeditions which they carried through with equal courage and con- duct, sometimes without the least knowledge or participation on our part, will demonstrate the warm affection of their hearts to this country. But, Sir, the whole was the gift of freemen, of fellow-subjects, who feel that they are, and know that they have a right to be, as free as our- selves. What is their language now, when you are planning their destruction, when you are declaring them rebels? In the late petition of the General Congress to the King, they de- clare, “they are ready and willing, as they ever have been, when constitutionally required, to demonstrate their loyalty to his Majesty, by ex- erting their most strenuous efforts in granting supplies and raising forces.” This is the unani- mous resolution of a Congress composed of de- puties from the several colonies of New-Hamp- shire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, and Providence plantations, Connecticut, New- York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of New-Castle, Kent, and Suffex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and the two Carolinas. I have heard, Sir, of a plan of accommodation, which I believe would reconcile all differences. But, alas! Sir, it did not come from any ser- vant of the Crown. It comes from a noble Lord to whom this country has the most essential ob- ligations, and is so much indebted for it late splendor and glory. It is to assemble another Congress in the spring, under the authority of the Parliament of Great-Britain; the Deputies of the several colonies to meet together, and to be jointly empowered to regulate the various quotas to be paid by each province to the ge- neral treasury of the whole empire. I would, in addition to that plan, propose, that a regulation similar to what actually takes place with respect to Scotland, be adopted as to America. The proportion of each Colony might be settled according to the Land Tax in England, at one, two, or more shillings in the pound. I am not deep politician enough to know what the proportions should be of each province, and they will vary greatly in half a century; but I speak of their quota being al- ways to be regulated according to the Land Tax of this country. The very flourishing Co- lonies of the Massachusetts’s-Bay, Virginia, and South Carolina, for instance, should contribute more; the smaller and poorer Colonies of New- Hampshire and New-Jersey less: but, Sir, I in- sist not a single shilling can be taken without their consent; and after this day’s debate, should the address be carried, I greatly fear every idea of a reconciliation will be utterly impracti- cable. The Americans, Sir, have of late both with- in doors and without, been treated with the greatest injustice, and even a wanton degree of cruelty. An Honourable Gentleman has just told us, that they complain of the NAVIGATION ACT, and insist on its repeal. We have authen- tic evidence to the contrary. In the resolutions of the Congress, they repeatedly desire to be put only on the footing they were, AT THE CLOSE OF THE LATE WAR,” as to the system of statutes and regulations;” nor among the va- rious acts, of which they desire the repeal, do they once mention either the NAVIGATION or the DECLARATORY ACT. It is said likewise they wish to throw off the supremacy of this country Many express resolutions, both of the General Congress, and the Provincial Congresses, are the fullest evidence of the sense which the Ame- icans entertain of their obedience and duty to this country. They are too numerous to be quoted. Their full claim, as stated by themselves, is so well worded, I beg to read it to the House from their petition to the King. “WE ASK BUT ”FOR PEACE, LIBERTY, AND SAFETY.”---Sure, Sir, no request was ever more reasonable, no claim better founded. “We wish not a dimi- ”nution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit ”a grant of any new right in our favour.--- ”Your royal authority over us, and our con- ”nection with Great-Britain, we shall always ”carefully and zealously endeavour to support ”and maintain; whilst administration are en- ”deavouring to tear asunder those ties, which ”have so long and happily bound us to- ”gether.” The Address, Sir, mentions the particular </div> <div class="”column”"> <h6>Column 3</h6> province of Massachusetts’s-Bay, as in a state of actual rebellion, and the other provinces are con- sidered as aiding and abetting them. Much has been said by some learned Gentlemen to involve them in all the consequences of a declared re- bellion, and to encourage our officers and troops to act against them as against rebels.—Whe- ther the present state is that of rebellion, or of a fit and proper resistance to unlawful acts of power, to our attempts to rob them of their property and liberties, as they imagine, I do not determine. This I know, a successful re- sistance is a REVOLUTION, not a REBELLION. Who can tell, Sir, whether in consequence of this very day’s violent and mad Address to his Majesty, the scabbard may not be thrown away by them, as well as by us, and should success attend them, whether in a few years, the Ame- ricans may not celebrate the glorious era of 1775, as we do that of 1688? Success crowned the generous efforts of our forefathers for free- dom, else they had died on the scaffold as trai- tors and rebels; and the period of our history, which does us the most honor, would have been deemed a REBELLION against lawful authority, not a resistance authorized by all the laws of God and man, not the expulsion of a tyrant. The policy, Sir, of this measure, I can no more comprehend, than I can acknowledge the justice of it. Is your force adequate to the attempt? I am satisfied it is not. What are your armies and how are they to be recruited? Do you recollect that the single province of the Massachusetts’s -Bay, has at this moment above 30,000 men well trained and disciplined, and can bring near 90,000 men into the field? They will do it when they are fighting from their liber- ties. You will not be able to conquer and keep even that single province. The Noble Lord pro- poses only 10,000 of our troops to be there, including the four regiments now going from Ireland, and he acknowledges very truly, that the army cannot enforce the late acts of Parlia- ment. Why then is it sent? Boston indeed you may lay in ashes, or it may be made a strong garrison, but the province will be lost to you. Boston will be like Gibraltar. You will hold in the province of Massachusetts’s-Bay, as you do in Spain, a single town, the whole country in the power and possession of the enemy. Your fleets and armies may keep a few towns on the coast, for some time at least, Boston, New-York, St. Augustine. The vast continent of America will be lost to you. A few fortresses on the coast and some sea-ports only you will keep, all the back settlements will be independent of you, and will thrive in the rapid progression of your violences and your unjust exactions on the towns. The ancient stories of the Carthagenian hide will be verified as to you. Where you tread it, it will be kept down, but it will rise the more in all the other parts. Where your fleets and ar- mies are stationed, the possession will be yours, but all the rest will be lost. I fear from this day, in the general scale of empire, you will decline, and the Americans will rise to independence, to power, to all the greatness of the most renown- ed states, for they build on the solid basis of public Liberty. Sir, this Address is founded in injustice and cruelty. It is equally contrary to the sound max- ims of true policy, and to the unerring rule of natural right. The Americans will defend their property and their liberties with the spirit of freemen, with the spirit I hope we should. They will sooner declare themselves independ- ent, and risk every consequence of such a con- test, than submit to the yoke which Administra- tion is preparing for them. An address of so sanguinary a nature cannot fail of driving them to despair. They will see that you are preparing, not only to draw the sword, but to burn the scabbard. You are declaring them re- bels. Every idea of a reconciliation will vanish. They will pursue the most vigorous measures in their own defence. The whole Continent will be dismembered from Great-Britain, and THE WIDE ARCH OF THE RAISED EMPIRE FALL. But I hope the just vengeance of the people will overtake the author of these pernicious counsels, and the loss of the first province to the empire, be speedily followed by the loss of the heads of those Ministers, who advised these wicked and fatal measures. </div> NORFOLK: Printed by JOHN H. HOLT & Co. at the new Printing-Office near the Market-House; where Subscriptions for this Paper are taken in at 12s. 6d per ANNUM: Advertisements (of a moderate Length) inserted at 3s. the first Week, and 2s. each Week after.-----All Kinds of Printing-Work executed in the neatest Manner, with Care and Expedition. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Ink on paper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John H. Holt & Co. Title A name given to the resource The Virginia Gazette, or, The Norfolk Intelligencer. Number 48, Thursday May 4, 1775 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1775-05-04 Extent The size or duration of the resource. [4] pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context SCNP2022.8 Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Newspapers--Virginia--Norfolk unique