Special Collections, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library, Colonial Williamsburg Foundation

The Virginia Gazette, or, The Norfolk Intelligencer. Number 48, Thursday May 4, 1775

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The Virginia Gazette, or, The Norfolk Intelligencer. Number 48, Thursday May 4, 1775

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THE
VIRGINIA GAZETTE,
OR THE
NORFOLK INTELLIGENCER.
THURSDAY, MAY 4, 1775. NUMBER 48.

UNI AEQUUS VIRTUTI EJUS AMICUS. – HOR.

Column 1

LONDON, FEBRUARY 11.
General outlines of Lord CHATHAM’s Bill.

IN the common form, it is hereby enacted,
&c.. “That the declaratory law of 1766,
which ordains that the British Parliament has
a right to make laws sufficient to bind the co-
lonies in all cases whatsoever, the several acts
objected to in the petition of rights, from the
delegates in congress convened at Philadelphia
last September, shall be suspended, till the
event of the following proposition shall be
known.” It then proceeds to enact, that it
shall be lawful for a congress to meet at Phi-
ladelphia on the 9th of May next, to delibe-
rate on and agree to the two following main
points; that the said delegates thus assembled,
shall in the first place recognize the supremacy
and grand controlling superintending power of
the British legislature in every point whatso-
ever, relating to commercial regulation, ex-
cept as thereafter provided for. And secondly,
that they (the delegates) shall submit to con-
tribute towards the support of the public bur-
dens, a certain specific sum to be granted to
his Majesty, to be under, directed, and appro-
priated by parliament. When those conditi-
ons are complied with and are assented to by a
solemn recognition on the part of America,
then the said laws mentioned in the said claim
or petition of rights are to be actually and
bona fide repealed; and the respective provin-
cial assemblies are to proceed in their usual
manner to make the necessary provisions for
support of their civil governments, according
to the mode heretofore uniformly practiced.
It then enters into the discussion of the purport
of the resolves of the delegates in congress,
respecting the quartering and stationing a stand-
ing army in times of peace in the colonies,
and asserts, in the fullest, clearest, and most
determinate manner, that the ordering, quar-
tering, and stationing the military force of the
kingdom, is one of the greatest constitutional,
inherent, and unalienable prerogatives of the
crown, on no pretence or colour whatever to
be denied or controverted, and accurately
draws the line intended by the bill of rights,
presented at the revolution, as distinguishing
between an army kept up in time of peace,
without the consent, and one actually raised,
embodied and paid, by and with the consent
of parliament. The last material clause in
this celebrated bill is relative to the payment
of the judges, and the tenure on which they
are to hold their places. It ordains that they
shall not hold their places at the pleasure of,
nor be paid by the crown; but that both shall
be formed exactly on the model, already hap-
pily established in this country, that is, they
shall hold their seats quamdiu se bene gesserint,
and they shall be paid their salaries by the res-
pective provinces where they reside; but to be,
however, appointed by the crown. He labour-
ed and explained those two last great constitu-
tional points, with a force of oratory, a strength
of reasoning, a magnitude of conception, a
brilliancy of expression, and a fund of informa-
tion and political knowledge, that would have
done infinite honour to the greatest, the wisest
orators, statesmen, or patriots, that Rome or
Athens ever saw.

The noble Lords who voted in support of
Lord Chatham’s plan of reconciliation with
America were the following:
The Dukes of Scarborough, Ferrers,
Cumberland, Cholmondeley, Craven,
Richmond, Strafford, Romney,
Devonshire, Tankerville, King,
Portland, Stanhope, Fortesecue,
Manchester, Effrngham, Ponsonby,
Northumberland, Fitzwilliams, Lyttleton,
Marquis of Rockingham, Temple, Wycombe,
Radnor, Sondes,
Spencer, Milton,
The Earls of Stamford, Abingdon,
The Lords Abergavenny, Camden 32.

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The speakers for the bill were Lord Chat-
ham, Lord Camden, the Duke of Richmond,
the Duke of Manchester, and Earl Temple.
---Against it, the Earl of Sandwich, the
Duke of Grafton, Lord Gower, the Lord
Chancellor, Earl of Hilsborough, and Lord
Dartmouth.

If the ___viz. the 24 bishops, the 16 Scots
peers, and the 20 officers of state are deducted,
the number who voted against Lord Chat-
ham’s plan of reconciliation will be only eight.

Feb. 16. At a court of Common-Council
held on Friday last, that court came to the
following resolution:

”That the thanks of this court be given to
to the Earl of Chatham, for having offered to
the H. of Lords a plan for conciliating the
differences which unfortunately subsist between
the administration in this country and its Ame-
rican colonies; and to all those who supported
that noble Lord in so humane and constitu-
tional a measure.”

At a Court of Common council held yester-
day, the town clerk acquainted the Court that
he had waited on the Right Hon. The Earl of
Chatham, with the thanks of the Court agreed
to on Friday last, to which his Lordship return-
ed the following answer:

”Lord Chatham desires the favour of Mr.
Town Clerk to offer to my Lord Mayor, the
Aldermen, and Commons, in Common Coun-
cil assembled, his most respectful and grateful
acknowledgements for the signal honour they
have been pleased to confer on the mere dis-
charge of his duty in a moment of impending
calamity.

”Under deep impressions of former marks
of favourable construction during the evil
hour of a dangerous foreign war, he now
deems himself too fortunate to find his efforts
for preventing the ruin and horrors of a civil
war, approved, honoured and strengthened,
by the great corporate bond of the Kingdom.”

At a Court of Commons council held on
Monday last, the following resolutions were
agreed to:

Resolved, that the present situation of our
public affairs, in consequence of the severe pro-
ceedings against the American colonies, is so
exceedingly alarming, that it is the duty of
this Court to use every possible endeavour to
prevent all further oppression, and to obtain
relief to so numerous and valuable a part of
our fellow subjects.

Resolved, that as a bill is proposed to be
brought into Parliament, to prohibit the New-
England fishery, which, if complied with, may
materially injure the commercial interests of
this city, and of the kingdom in general, the
Lord Mayor may be requested by this Court
to convene the same to consider whether it
may not be the duty of this Court to petition
parliament against the said proposed bill, the
principles of which, so far as they have hither-
to declared, appearing to be repugnant to just-
tice and the true interest of the British empire.

At a court of common council held yester-
day at Guildhall, (after the matters to be ob-
jected to in the Massachusetts-Bay bill were re-
ferred to a committee, who are to make their
report to-morrow at another court of common
council to be then holden) the following reso-
lutions were come to:

Resolved, that the measures of administra-
tion, respecting our fellow subjects in Ameri-
ca, adopted by the late parliament, appear to
this court in the highest degree dangerous and
alarming, and demand our most serious at-
tention.

Resolved, that as the opinion of this court
hath already been very fully and particularly
declared against an act of the late Parliament,
intituled, “An act for making more effectual
provision for the government of Quebec, in
North-America;” we think it equally our duty
to bear testimony also against our other acts
of the said parliament, which we esteem high-

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ly injurious to our fellow subjects in America,
viz.: An act for the better regulating the
government of the province of Massachusetts-
Bay;” also, “An act for the impartial admi-
nistration of justice in the cases of persons ques-
tioned for any acts done by them in the execu-
tion of the law, or for the suppression of riots
and tumults in the province of the Massachu-
setts-Bay;” and also “An act to discontinue
the landing and discharging, &c. of goods,
wares, and merchandizes at the town, and
within the harbour of Boston;” and also an
act, intituled, “An act for the better provi-
ding suitable quarters for officers and soldiers
in his Majesty’s service in North-America;”
they appearing to this court to be not only
contrary to many of the fundamental princi-
ples of the English constitution and most es-
sential rights of the subject, but also apparently
inconsistent with natural justice and equity;
and we are therefore of opinion, that our fel-
low-subjects the Americans are justified in every
constitutional opposition to the said acts.

HOUSE of LORDS, Die Martis, 7 Feb. 1775.

THE Lord President reported, that the
managers for the Lords had met the
managers for the Commons at a conference,
which on the part of the Commons was mana-
ged by Lord North, who acquainted the mana-
gers for the Lords, that they had taken into
consideration the state of his Majesty's colonies
in North-America, and had agreed upon an
address to be presented to his Majesty, to which
they desired the concurrence of this House.

Then his Lordship read the address deliver-
ed at the conference---and the same being
again read by the clerk, the Earl of Dart-
mouth and the Marquis of Rockingham both
rising to speak, a debate arose who should speak first.

The question was put, whether the Earl of
Dartmouth should now be heard?

It was resolved in the affirmative.

Moved to agree with the Commons in the
said address, by filling up the blank with (the
Lord Spiritual and Temporal:

Which being objected to, and a question
stated thereupon? After a long debate, the pre-
vious question was put, whether the main
question shall now be put?

Contents - - - - 90 104
Proxies - - - 14

Non-Contents - - 29 29
Proxies - - - 00
It was resolved in the affirmative.

Dissentient.

1st. The previous question was moved, not
to prevent the proceeding in the address, com-
municated at the conference with the Com-
mons, but in order to present the petitions
of the North-American merchants and of the
West-India merchants and planters, which
petitions the house might reject if frivolous, or
postpone if not urgent, as it might seem fit to
their wisdom; but to hurry on the business to
which these petitions so materially and directly
related, the express prayer of which was, that
they might be heard before “any resolution
may be taken by this Right Honourable House
respecting America,” to refuse so much as to
suffer them to be presented, is a proceeding of
the most unwarrantable nature, and directly
subversive of the most sacred rights of the sub-
ject. It is the more particularly exceptionable,
as a lord in his place, at the express desire of
the West-India merchants, informed the house,
that if necessitated so to do, they were ready
without council or farther preparation, in-
stantly to offer evidence to prove, that several
islands of the West-Indies could not be able to
subsist after the operation of the proposed ad-
dress in America. Justice in regard to indivi-
duals, policy with regard to the public, and
decorum with regard to ourselves, required
that we should admit this petition to be pre-
sented. By refusing it, justice is denied.

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2dly. Because the papers laid upon our table
by the ministers, are so manifestly defective
and so avowedly curtailed, that we can derive
from them nothing like information of the true
state of this object on which we are going to
act, or of the consequences of the resolutions
which we may take. We ought (as we con-
ceive) with gladness to have accepted that in-
formation from the merchants, which, if it
had not been voluntarily offered, it was our
duty to seek: there is no information concern-
ing the state of our colonies (taken in any point
of view) which the merchants are not far more
competent to give, than Governors or Offi-
cers, who often know far less of the temper
and disposition, or may be more disposed to
misrepresent it than the merchants. Of this
we have a full and melancholy experience in
the mistaken ideas on which the fatal effects of
the late parliament were formed.

3dly. Because we are of opinion, that in en-
tering into a war, in which mischief and incon-
venience are great and certain (but the utmost
extent of which it is impossible to foresee) true
policy requires that those who are most likely
to be immediately affected, should be thorough-
ly satisfied of the deliberation with which it
was taken; and we apprehend that the plan-
ters, merchants, and manufacturers, will not
bear their losses and burthens, brought on them
by the proposed civil war, the better for our
refusing so much as to hear them previous to
engaging in that war; nor will our precipita-
tion in resolving , add much to the success in
executing any plan that may be pursued.

We protest therefore against the refusal to
suffer such petitions to be presented, and we
thus clear ourselves to our country of the dis
grace and mischief which must attend this un-
constitutional, indecent and improvident pro-
ceeding.
RICHMOND, PORTLAND,
PONSONBY, CAMDEN,
ARCHER, FITZWILLIAM,
ROCKINGHAM, SCARBOROUGH,
WYCOMBE, ABERGAVENNY,
EFFINGHAM, ABINGTON,
TORRINGTON, CRAVEN,
STANHOPE, COURTENAY,
CHOLMONDELEY, TANKERVILLE.

Then the main question was put, whether
to agree with the Commons in the said address
by inserting the words, (Lords Spiritual and
Temporal) and

It was resolved in the affirmative,
Contents 87. Not Contents 27.
Dissentient,

1st. Because the violent matter of this dan-
gerous address was highly aggravated by the
violent manner in which it was precipitately
hurried through the House. Lords were not
allowed the interposition of a moment’s time
for deliberation, before they were driven head-
long into a declaration of a civil war. A con-
ferrence was held with the Commons, an ad-
dress of this Importance presented, all extra-
neous information, although offered, positively
refused; all petitions arbitrarily rejected, and
the whole of this most awful business received,
debated, and concluded, in a single day.

2dly. Because no legal grounds were laid, in
argument or in fact, to shew that a rebellion,
properly so called, did exist in Massachusetts’s-
Bay, when the papers of the latest date, and
from whence alone we derive our information,
were written. The overt-acts to which the species
of treason affirmed in the address ought
to be applied, were not established, nor any
offenders marked out; but a general mass of
the acts of turbulence, said to be done at vari-
ous times and places, and of various natures,
were all thrown together, to make out one gep-
neral constructive treason: Neither was there
any sort of proof of the continuance of any
unlawful force, from whence we could infer
that a rebellion dies now exist. And we are the
more cautious of pronouncing any part of his
Majesty’s dominions to be in actual rebellion,
because the cases of constructive treason under
that branch of the 25th of Edward the Third,
which describes the crime of rebellion, have
been already so far extended by the judges,
and the distinctions so nice and subtle, that no
prudent man ought to declare any single per-
son in that situation, without the clearest evi-
dence of uncontrovertible overt-acts to war-
rant such a declaration: Much less ought so
high an authority as both Houses of Parlia-
ment, to denounce so severe a judgement against
a considerable part of his Majesty’s subjects,
by which his forces may think themselves justi

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fied in commencing a war, without any fur-
ther order or commission.

3dly. Because we think that several acts of
the late Parliament, and several late proceedings
of administration with regard to the Colonies,
are real grievances and just causes of complaint,
and we cannot in honour or in conscience, con-
sent to an address which commends the tem-
per by which proceedings, so very intemperate,
have been carried on; nor can we persuade our-
selves to authorize violent courses against per-
sons in the Colonies who have resisted autho-
rity, without at the same time redressing the
grievances which have given but too much pro-
vocation for their behaviour.

4thly. Because we think the loose and general
assurances given by the address, of future re-
dress of grievances, in case of submission, is
far from satisfactory or at all likely to produce
their end, whilst the acts complained of con-
tinue unrepealed, or unamended, and their
authors remain in authority here; because these
advisers of all the measures which have brought
on the calamities of this empire, will not be
trusted whilst they defend as just, necessary,
and even indulgent, all the acts complained of
as grievances, by the Americans; and must
therefore, on their own principles, be bound
in future to govern the colonies in the manner,
which has already produced such fatal effects;
and we fear that the refusal of this House,
so much as to receive previous to determina-
tion (which is the most offensive mode of re-
jection) petitions from the unoffending natives
of Great-Britain and the West-India islands,
affords but a very discouraging prospect of
our obtaining hereafter any petitions at all,
from those whom we have declared actors in
rebellion, or abettors of that crime.

Lastly. Because the means of enforcing the
authority of the British legislature, is con-
signed to persons of whose capacity for that
purpose, from abundant experience we have
reason to doubt, and who have hitherto used
no effectual means of conciliating or of reducing
those who oppose that authority: This appears
in the constant failure of all their projects, the
insufficiency of all their information, and the
disappointment of all the hopes, which they
have for several years held out to the public.
Parliament has never refused any of their pro-
posals, and yet our affairs have proceeded daily
from bad to worse, until we have been brought,
step by step, to that state of confusion, and
even civil violence, which was the natural re-
sult of these desperate measures.

We therefore protest against an address a-
mounting to a declaration of war, which is
founded on no proper parliamentary informa-
tion; which was introduced by refusing to
suffer the presentation of petitions against it
(although it be the undoubted right of the sub-
ject to present the same); which followed the
rejection of every mode of conciliation; which
holds out no substantial offer of redress of
grievances; and which promises support to
those ministers who have inflamed America,
and misconducted the affairs of Great-Britain.
RICHMOND, CHOLMONDELEY,
CRAVEN, ABINGDON,
ARCHER, PORTLAND,
ABERGAVENNY, CAMDEN,
ROCKINGHAM, EFFINGHAM,
WYCOMBE, STANHOPE,
COURTENAY, SCARBOROUGH,
TORRINGTON, FITZWILLIAM,
PONSONBY, TANKERVILLE.
A circumstantial account of the important debates in the
American committee on Lord North’s motion of
Monday, Feb. 20.

ON Sunday evening, a Treasury letter, deferring an at-
tendance in the House for the next day, was sent
to the most active persons in opposition, as well as to all
those who support Ministry, as Lord North had a mo-
tion of importance to make. It is unusual to send such
letters to the members who oppose. This message there-
fore occasioned much speculation. Early on Monday, it
was universally given our that Lord North intended to
move a conciliatory proposition, which would have a ten-
dency to quiet the troubles that unhappily distract the
British empire.

About 4 o’clock, Sir Charles Whitworth took the
chair in the American committee. Lord North immedi-
ately rose, and having laid open his design, in a speech of
rather less than an hour, concluded with the following mo-
tion:

”That it is the opinion of this committee, that when
”the Governor, Council, and Assembly, or General
”Court of any of his Majesty’s provinces or colonies in
”American, shall propose to make provision, according
”to the conditions, circumstances, and situation of such
”province or colony, for contributing their proportion
”to the common defence (such proportion to be raised
”under the authority of the General Court or General
”Assembly of such province or colony, and disposable
”by Parliament) and shall engage to make provision also
”for the support of civil government, and the adminis-

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”tration of justice in such province as or colony, it will be
”proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his Ma-
”jesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so
”long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to
”forbear, in respect of such province or colony to levy
”any duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties
”as it may be expedient to impose for the regulation of
”commerce; the neat produce of the duties last mention-
”ed to be carried to the account of such province, or co-
”lony respectively.”

The motion was supported by Governor Pownal, Mr.
Jenkinson, Sir G. Elliot, Mr. Cornwall and Mr. Wed-
derburne.

The principal argument used by these Gentlemen, and
particularly by Lord North, in favour of the proposition,
were the following: “That in the late address of the
two Houses, a promise was given to redress the grievances
of the Americans. It was indeed impossible to define
what Parliament ought to deem a real grievance, among
the many factious complaints of the Americans; but as
there was one point upon which they and others were
most particularly clamorous, the matter of taxation, it
would be proper to come to a fair and indulgent explana-
tion on that subject; and as many new restrictions on the
trade of the Americans had been already proposed, and as
many more were intended, in that situation, the colonists
ought fairly to know what they are to expect and what is
expected by them.

Justice and policy (he said) required that every person,
under any government, should be compelled to become
contributory to that government according to his ability,
and to the support he derives from it. This principle
ought to extend to the colonies, and to all other depen-
dencies of this empire, just as much as to any part of
Great-Britain; and the slightest relaxation of any penal
or restrictive statutes now made, or hereafter to be made
in consequence of their disobedience and continuancy,
ought not to be so much as listened to, until they come
to Parliament and offer such contributions as that sove-
reign judge and legislature should decide to be their just
and fair proportion towards the common defence of the
whole empire, and that this offer must be understood as
the condition upon which we are to accept their allege-
ance.

This proposition ought not to be settled by a Congress.
Such a mode could only tend to promote factious combi-
nations in the colonies; who, as colonies, have no sort of
relation among themselves. They are all the colonies of
Great-Britain, and it is through her alone that they have
any relation to each other.

At present the quota which each colony ought to pay
cannot be settled; but the proportions (when the Ameri-
cans come to make their offers) must be adjusted upon the
following standard: “The wealth and population of each
colony, its advantages relatively to the other colonies,
and its proportion to the wealth and other advantages,
taken together with the burthens and necessities, of Great-
Britain.

There had been much talk of restrictions on the
trade of the colonies, but when the goods which they
take from this country only, because they are the best and
the cheapest, shall be deducted from the account of re-
striction, the Americans will have but little ground for
exemption on that account, and they will be found so
much on a par with the inhabitants of Great-Britain in
commercial advantages, that reason and justice require
they should be put on a par with regard to their contri-
tions, and to pay (after the above deduction) full as
much in taxes as the people of Great-Britain. Seventy
millions of debt, in the last war, was incurred solely on
their account; and, in equity, the Americans ought to
bear at least their fair proportion of it. The army and
navy of England are employed for their protection, in
common with the rest of the empire; they ought, there-
fore, to contribute both to the army and the navy. And
when a fleet is sent to the East-Indies, the colonies ought
to pay their share of the charges, just as well as when it
is stationed on the coast of North-America; for this force
being for the common benefits, the colonies are virtually
included in the protection derived from it, wherever it is
employed.

As to the mode of taxation, provided the substantial sup-
ply is obtained, it is our interest to indulge the colonies
in this particular as much as we can; partly because we
may not be as knowing in the detail as the American
Assemblies, and we may oppress when we meant only to
tax, and partly because it has been found almost impossible
for Parliament to lay taxes there, which would produce
any thing in any degree adequate to their purposes.

Lord North confessed that he rather imagined this pro-
position would not be to the taste of the Americans, and
and would not be complied with by several of the colonies.
However, if but ONE of them submitted, that ONE link
of the chain would be broken; and if so, the whole would
inevitably fall to pieces. This separation would restore
our empire and “divide et impera” was a maxim never held
unfair or unwise in government. If this hope should be
frustrated, and that the proposition should do no good in
America, it will not however fail doing some good in England:
First, it will stand as an eternal monument of the wisdom
and clemency, of the humanity and justice of British go-
vernment; secondly, it will show to the traders and ma-
nufacturers of England the temper and moderation of
Parliament, and the obstinacy and disaffection of the Ame-
ricans, and will of course support them under the decay
and loss of trade, and all the miseries of war; they will
bear with patience all these temporary losses, when they
are assured that they are incurred for the sake of a large
revenue, which is to ease them from the many and heavy
taxes which at present oppress their industry; thirdly, it
will animate the officers and soldiers we send out to Ame-
rica to a vigorous and manly exertion of their native cou-
rage, without doubt of scruple, when they are assured they
no longer fight for a phantom, and a vain empty point of
honour, but for a substantial benefit to their county,
which is to relieve her in her greatest exigencies.

That this is putting the quarrel, at last, upon a proper
ground; a dispute for revenue, a dispute to compel Ame-
rica to come to the relief of Great-Britain. That it was
no conceding proposition, but what true policy must sug-
gest, if they had actually subdued America, and had her
prostrate at their feet. That is not to abandon the
authority of Parliament, but to confirm it; it is to en-
force it in the most effectual manner, and for the most
essential objects, because the TAXING power is by THIS
resolution in the hands of Parliament, and to be exercised
merely according to its discretion. All the vigorous mea-

Page 3
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sures, either by penal laws, or by the military force, are
to go on exactly as before; no farther relaxation whatso-
ever is intended. This is the ultimatum.

If it should seem to be abandoning the high ground
taken in the address, or to be contrary to the assurances
so frequently given, “that no terms should be held out
to American previous to its submission,” this is nothing
(said Lord North) but what is common. The greatest
powers have done it. In the war of the succession, it was
a fundamental point that no Prince of the House of
Bourbon should ever sit on the throne of Spain. This was
several times repeated, and in the most solemn manner.
Such politics are necessary to gain or to animate allies,
yet all the powers which composed this confederacy yield
ed; and a Prince of the House Bourbon did sit, and one
of the same House does now sit, on the throne of Spain.
In the Spanish war of 1739, we declared that we should
never treat with Spain until she had given up the point
of search; yet peace was made without her giving up this
point, and the search continues. Lord North added to
these several other instances in which great powers had
abandoned their pretentions, and disappointed the hopes
they had held out to their allies.

Such is the substance of the plan, and of arguments
used in support of it. The House, at first, seemed strange-
ly agitated and divided. Almost all of those who usually
support Ministry manifested so great a dislike of the mea-
sure, that many apprehended Lord North, on the division,
would be found in a minority. On the other hand, seve-
ral in opposition seemed unwilling to vote against any
thing which carried with it even the name of conciliation
with the colonies. However, as the debate proceeded,
the true nature and purpose of the proposition was more
fully developed. The opposition to it went different
ways and on totally different grounds. One one side, it
was opposed by Mr. Welbore Ellis, Vice Treasurer of
Ireland; by the Solicitor General of Scotland; by Mr.
Adams, Mr. Ackland, and some others of the minister-
rial members.

Mr. Ellis declared, that possibly he might differ from
every other Gentleman, and stand quite single; but it
was his opinion the House would be sunk, by the accep-
tance of the noble Lord’s motion, into the lowest state
of degradation. A very few days ago, no less than three
hundred of them had carried up to the Lords an address,
declaring all the colonies in a state of disobedience, and
one of them in actual rebellion; an address offering their
lives and fortunes for the suppression of that rebellion,
an address making the pervious submission of the Ame-
ricans in their humble petition to parliament, and their
acknowledgement of its authority, conditions indispensable
to all redress of grievances, real or imaginary. In a few
days after, without any reason assigned, without any
known variation of circumstances, without any petition,
submission, or acknowledgement, whatsoever, for the
house to come to a resolution directly contradictory to
the former, was the most humiliatory stroke to the dig-
nity of parliament, which, in his long experience, he
had ever remembered. Nothing could so highly reflect
upon its courage, honour, wisdom, and consistency: but
as the subject was full of irritation, and as he was afraid,
though a very old member, that he might be betrayed
into some improper expressions, he chose to sit down with-
out farther discussion of a matter which indeed spoke so
fully for itself.

The same line of argument was taken by the other
Gentlemen on the court side, who opposed the motion
upon the principle of its inconsistency with all the for-
mer declarations of administration, and with the late ad-
dress of both houses of parliament.

The Gentlemen of the minority, who had opposed
all measures of severity towards America, declared with
a marked solemnity, that they came to the House, on
the report of the change of measures, with a full resolu-
tion of supporting any thing which might lead in any way
towards conciliation; but that they found the proposition
altogether insidious in its nature, and therefore purposely
rendered, to the last degree, obscure and perplexed in its
language. Instead of being at all fitted to produce peace,
it was calculated to increase the disorders and confusion
in America, and therefore that they never could consent
to it.

On this side, debate was supported with remarkable
force and spirit, by Mr. T. Townsend, Mr. Fox, Col.
Barre, Mr. Burke, Mr. Dunning, and Lord John Ca-
vendish.

They readily admitted, with Mr. Ellis, and with the
Solicitor General of Scotland, that the proposition was
a contradiction to every thing that parliament had declar-
ed; a shameful prevarication in ministers, and a mean
departure from every declaration that had been made. They
were willing, however, to purchase peace by any humi-
liations of Ministers, and, by what was of so far more
moment, even by the humiliation of Parliament; but
the measure was mean indeed, but not at all conciliatory.
One benefit, however, was derived from it; for (said Mr.
Fox) it has re-established the credit and signalized the
power, of the true constitutional Whiggish principle of
resistance. This had already reduced the proudest tyran-
ny, had made it renounce its high declarations and stoop
to meanness and fraud, the sure forerunner of rout and
dismay. That as Lord North had already been staggered
into this unheard of act of irresolution and inconstancy,
there might be some hope of his proceeding to others
which might be really lenient, if it were not the nature
of inconsistency not to proceed in may certain track; and
that the same want of a fixed principle, which led him
to renounce his first plan, might induce him perhaps as
suddenly, to return to it. That the mode of argument,
on the side of ministry, was the most ridiculous that ever
had been known in parliament. They attempted to prove
to one side of the house, that the measure was a conces-
sion; and to the other, that it was a strong assertion of
authority; just on the silly principles of the tea act,
which to Great-Britain was to be a duty of supply, to
the Americans a tax regulation.

They were likewise (they said) astonished at another
extraordinary phenomenon. To this day, during the
whole course of the American debates, the ministry have
daily and hourly denied their having any sort of contest
about an American revenue. That the whole was a dis-
pute for obedience to trade laws, and to the general leg-
islative authority. Now they turn short; and to console
them, for the first time, “the dispute is put on its true
footing, and that the grand contest is, not for empty ho-

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nour, but substantial revenue.” But manufacturers and
soldiers will not be so consoled, or so animated, because
the revenue is as much an empty phantom as the honour;
and the whole scheme of the resolution oppressive,
absurd, and impractical, and what indeed the ministers
confess, the Americans will not accept. It is oppressive,
because it was never the complaint of the Americans that
the mode of taxation was not left to themselves, but
that neither the amount and quantum of the grant, nor
the application, was in their free choice. This was their
complaint, and their complaint was just. What else is
to be taxed by act of parliament in which they are not
represented, but for parliament to settle the proportion of
the payment, and the application of the money? This
is the purport of the present resolution. If an act of par-
liament compelled the city of Amsterdam to raise an hun-
dred thousand pounds, is not Amsterdam as effectually
taxed without its consent as if duties to that amount were
laid on that city? To leave them the mode may be of
some case, as to the collection; but it is nothing to the
freedom of granting, in which the colonies are so far from
being relieved by this resolution, that their condition is to
be ten times worse than ever.

For the minority contended, that it is a far more op-
pressive mode of taxing than that hitherto used; for here
no determinate demand is made. The colonies are to be
held in durance by troops; fleets, and armies, until singly
and separately they shall do what? Until they shall of-
fer to contribute to a service which they cannot know, in
a proportion which they cannot guess, on a standard which
they are so far from being able to ascertain, that parlia-
ment, which is to hold it, has not ventured to hint what
it is they expect. They are to be held prisoners of war,
unless they consent to a ransom, by bidding out an aucti-
on against each other and against themselves, until the
King and parliament shall strike down the hammer, and
say “enough.”

The species of auction to be terminated not at the dis-
creation of the bidder, but at the will of the sovereign
power, was a kind of absurd tyranny, which they chal-
lenged the ministers to produce any example of, in the
practice of this or of any other nation. What was said
to be most like this method of setting the colony assem-
blies at guessing what contributions might be most agree-
able to us in some future time, was the tyranny of Ne-
buchadnezzaar, who, having forgot a dream of his, or-
dered the assemblies of his wise men, on pain of death,
not only to interpret his dream, but to tell him what his
dream was.

To set the impracticability and absurdity of this scheme
in the stronger light, they asked, in case an assembly
made an offer which should not be thought sufficient by
parliament, was not the business to walk back again to
America, and so on backwards and forwards as often as
the offer displeased parliament? And then, instead of ob-
taining peace by this proposition, all our distractions and
confusions will be increased tenfold, and continued for ever.

It was said, indeed, by the minister, that this scheme
will disunite the colonies. Tricks in government had
sometimes, it was admitted, been successful; but never
when they were known, avowed, and hacknied. That
the Boston port bill was a declared cheat, and according-
ly far from succeeding; it was the very first thing that
untied all the colonies against us, from Nova -Scotia to
Georgia.

As to the pretended justice of this enforced contributi-
on, from the debt incurred on the sole account of Ame-
rica, Col. Barr said,, it was false and futile We must
defend our dominions, wherever they are attacked by our
enemies; but to charge the part attacked as the cause of
the burthen brought on by that defense, is ridiculous. It
was not the ambition of the colonies, but the designs of
France aiming at an empire in America, which caused
that debt.

The idea of deducting the value of goods supposed to
be taken by the colonists, because we sold cheap, at a
time when we did not suffer the colonies to make the trial,
and by such arithmetic to deduce the propriety of their
paying in nearly an equal proportion with the people of
England (they said) was of a piece with the rest of the
policy and the argument of this profound project.

Mr. Burke strongly declared against any scheme which
began by any mode of extorting revenue. That every
benefit, natural or political, must be had in the order of
things, and in its proper season. Revenue from a free people
must be the consequence of peace, not the condition on
which it is to be obtained. That if we attempt to insert
this in order, we shall have neither peace nor revenue.
If we are resolved to eat our grapes crude and sour, in-
stead of obtaining nourishment, we shall only set an edge
on our own teeth, and those of our posterity for ever.

They all urged, therefore, for the reconsideration, un-
til it could be brought to some agreement with common
sense. They moved, “that the chairman do now leave
the chair, and have leave to sit again.”

The minister, distracted by an opposition from such
opposite quarters, seemed ready to sink under it. His al-
lies focused on the point of desertion, until the great
BUTE STANDARD was displayed by Sir Gilbert El-
liot, when most of them fell again into order, and,
though ashamed and mortified, voted with the minister.

The instantaneous effect of the few words spoken by
the STANDARD BEARER, after Lord North had
been five times on his legs, and only made matters worse
and worse, was painted by Mr. Dunning in a vein of the
most delicate irony. The numbers, upon the division,
were: Ayes 274 Noes 88.

WILLIAMSBURG, APRIIL 29.
This morning arrived an express from the Northward,
with the following advices
NEW-ENGLAND.
Watertown, Wednesday morning, near 10 of the clock.

TO all friends of American liberty, be it known, that
this morning, before break of day, a brigade consist-
ing of about 1000 or 12000 men landed at Phipp’s farm,
at Cambridge, and marched to Lexington, where they
found a company of our colony militia in arms, upon
whom they fired without any provocation, and killed
six men, and wounded four others. The bearer, Trail
Brissel is charged to alarm the country quite to Connec-
ticut; and all persons are desired to furnish him with fresh
horses, as they may be needed. I have spoken with seve-
ral, who have seen the dead and wounded. Pray let the

Column 3

delegates from this colony to Connecticut see this; they
know Col. Foster, one of the delegates.
J. PALM[illegible, smudged] of the committee.
A true copy from the ori [illegible, smudged] per order of the com-
mittee of correspondence of Worcester, April, 1775.
Attested and forwarded by the committee of Brookline,
Norwich, New-London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingsworth,
E. Guilford, Bandford, and New-Haven.

Since the above written we have received the following
by a second express.
Thursday, three o’clock afternoon.

SIR,

I am this moment informed by an express, from Wood-
stock, taken from the mouth of the express, then two
o’clock, afternoon, that the contest between the first bri-
gade that marched to Concord, was still continuing this
morning at the town of Lexington, to which said brigade
had retreated, that another brigade, said to be the second
mentioned in the latter of this morning, landed with a
quantity of artillery, at the place where the first did.
The provincials were determined to prevent the two bri-
gades from joining their strength if possible, and remain
in great need of succonr.

N. B. The regulars when in Concord, burnt the
court-house, took two pieces of cannon, which they ren-
dered useless, and began to take up Concord bridge; on
which Capt. _____(who with many on both sides, were
soon killed) made an attack upon the King’s troops, on
which they retreated to Lexington.

To Col. Ob. Johnson{illegible, smudged] I am,
Canterbury, E.B. WILLIAMS.

P. S. Mr. McFarlan of Plainfield, merchant, has just
returned from Boston by way of Providence, who con-
versed with an express from Lexington, who further in-
forms, that 4000 of our troops had surrounded the first
brigade above-mentioned, who were on a hill in Lexing-
ton, that the action continued and there were about
50 of our men killed, and 150 of the regulars as near as
they could determine, when the express came away. It will
be expedient for every man to go who is fit and willing.

The above is a true copy as received per express from
New-Haven, and attested to by the committee of corres-
pondence, from town to town. Attest.
Jonathan Sturgis, Andrew Rowland Committee.
Thadius Burr, Job Bartram,

The above was received yesterday at four o’clock, by the
committee of New-York, and forwarded to Philadelphia,
by Isaac Low, chairman of the committee at New-York.

NORFOLK, May 4, 1775.
Extract from a paper received by the Caesar, Wood, in
six weeks from BRISTOL. LONDON, March 11.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 9.

THIS day the expectations of all men, both within
door and without, were wound up to the highest
pitch. it being whispered for some days past, by those who
pretend to be in the secret, that the minister intended to
propose a bill that would at one chatm his friends, con-
found his enemies, and please the people on both sides of
the Atlantic. After the benches had been all crowded, a
silence of some minutes ensued, and up rose the Minister,
not to open his grand conciliatory plan, but to extend
the powers of his New-England restraining bill to all the
other principal provinces on the American continent. He
said, that as the colonies were come to an agreement to
carry on no trade whatever with Great-Britain, Ireland,
or the West-Indies, he was clearly of opinion that it be-
came indispensably necessary to restrain their commerce,
and prevent them from trading with any other country.
He therefore made the following motion: --That the
Chairman be directed to move the House, that leave be
given to bring in a bill to restrain the trade and commerce
of the colonies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Virginia, and South-Carolina, to Great-Britain, Ireland,
and the British Islands in the West-Indies, under certain
conditions and limitations.-----After a short debate,
the bill was ordered in.

By a Gentleman arrived from Salem on Sunday last,
we have a confirmation of the melancholy tidings relative
to an engagement between the regulars and provincials
near Boston: From the accounts given by this gentleman,
there is great reason to believe, that unless the regulars
had found means to reach Boston the day after the skir-
mish began, the most of them are cut off. The report
at Salem was, that the object of their hazardous expedi-
tion from Boston, was to seize the persons of Messieurs
Hancock and Adams. We wait with impatience for the
particulars of this very interesting event.

His Excellency the Governor, we hear, with his family
have retired on board his Majesty’s ship the Fowey, now ly-
ing at York, in consequence of the disturbances occasion-
ed by the removal of the powder from the public maga-
zine at Williamsburg.

Various reports have been spread of an intention to
seize the guns and field pieces lying at different places up-
on the rivers in this colony, in consequence of which we
hear, that in some counties they have removed them into
the country, out of the reach of the armed vessels stati-
oned among us; and in others, guards are established to
watch against any attempt to carry them off.

It is with pleasure we can inform the public of the zeal
the militia of this borough discover to perfect themselves
in the military exercise, and that they seem heartily dis-
posed to prepare themselves for every emergency upon
which their country may call them.

NORFOLK, May 1, 1775.
FOR LIVERPOOL.

THE ship Greenwood, Mackey Reed
master, will sail in a fortnight, can take in (be-
sides what is engag’d) about 120 hogsheads or 600 barrels,
on liberty of consignment; she has also excellent accom-
modations for passengers.---For terms, apply to
GREENWOOD, RITSON, & MARSH.

THE partnership of HARMANSON and
HARVEY being dissolved, all persons indebted to
said partnership are requested to be speedy in payment,
and those that have any accounts against the partnership
are desired to bring them in to
WILLIAM HARVEY.

Who has for sale, Jamaica Spirits, Madeira Wine of
the New-York Quality, Coffee, Chocolate, Bar Iron, and
Wheat Fans, also, a pair of Lead Pumps for a Vessel.

Page 4
Column 1

The SPEECH of the Right Honorable the
LORD MAYOR of LONDON, in favor of
AMERICA, on the Motion of Lord NORTH
for an Address to this MAJESTY, to declare
the Province of MASSACHUSETTS-BAY
in rebellion.

Mr. SPEAKER,

THE business now before the House, re-
specting America, is of as great import-
ance as was ever debated in Parliament. It
comprehends almost every question of policy
and legislation. I do not mean to enter so vast,
so well trodden a field. I will confine myself
to the business before us. –The Address now
reported from the Committee of the whole
House, appears to me unfounded, rash and
sanguinary, and most unjustly to draw the
sword against America; but before administra-
tion are suffered to plunge this nation into the
horrors of a civil war, before they are permit-
ted to force Englishmen to sheath their swords
in the bowels of their fellow-subjects, I hope
this House will seriously weight the original
ground and cause of this unhappy dispute, and
in time reflect, whether justice is on our side.
The assumed right of Taxation without the
consent of the subject, is plainly the primary
cause of the present quarrel. Have we, Sir
any right to tax the Americans: --That is
the question. The fundamental laws of human
nature, and the principle of the English consti-
tution, are equally repugnant to the claim. The
very idea of property excludes the right of others
taking any thing from me without my consent,
otherwise I cannot call it my own.—What pro-
perty have I in what another person cane seize
at his pleasure? If we can tax the Americans
without their consent; they have no property,
nothing which they can call their own, we might
take their all. The words “LIBERTY and
PROPERTY,” so dear to an Englishman, so
pleasing in our ears, would become mockery and
insult to an American. The laws of society are
professedly calculated to secure the property of
each individual, of every subject of the state.
The great principles of the constitution under
which we live, likewise clearly determines this
point. All subsidies to the Crown are grants
from the Commons, free gifts of the people.
Their full consent is always expressed in the
grant. Much has been said of the Palatine of
Chester, and the Principality of Wales, and the
period of their taxation; but, Sir, there is a
more remarkable case in point, which alone
would determine the question. If any gentle-
man will search the records in the tower, they
will find that the town of Calais in France,
when it belonged to the Imperial Crown of
these realms. was not taxed till it sent Repre-
sentatives to Parliament. Two Burgesses from
Calais actually sat and voted in this House.
Then, and not till then, was Calais taxed. The
writ of Chancery, and the return to it, in the
Reign of Edward VI. with the names of the
Burgesses, are still extant. I faithfully give
them to the public for attested copies.

But, Sir, it will be said, is America then to
enjoy the protection of Great-Britain, and to
contribute nothing towards the support of that
very state, which has so long given it protection
and security, which has nursed it up to its pre-
sent greatness?---The Americans themselves
have given he fullest answer to this objection in
a manner not to be controverted, by their con-
duct through a series of years, and by the most
explicit declarations. Equally in words and acti-
ons, of the most unequivocal nature, they have
demonstrated their love, their ardor, their strong
filial piety towards the mother country. They
have always appeared ready, not only to contri-
bute towards the expence of their own govern,
ment, but likewise to the wants and necessities
of this state, although perhaps they may not be
over fond of all the proud, expensive trappings
of royalty. In the two last wars they far exceed-
ed the cold line of prudence. With the most
liberal hears they gave you almost their all,
and they fought gallantly by your side with
equal valor against your and their enemy,
against the common enemy of mankind, the
ambitions and faithless French whom we now
fear and flatter. Our journals, Sir, will bear
witness to the grateful sense we had of the im-
portant service of Americans, and the great

Column 2

sums we voted to be repaid them, for what they expended
in the spirited expeditions which they
carried through with equal courage and con-
duct, sometimes without the least knowledge or
participation on our part, will demonstrate the
warm affection of their hearts to this country.
But, Sir, the whole was the gift of freemen, of
fellow-subjects, who feel that they are, and know
that they have a right to be, as free as our-
selves. What is their language now, when
you are planning their destruction, when you
are declaring them rebels? In the late petition
of the General Congress to the King, they de-
clare, “they are ready and willing, as they ever
have been, when constitutionally required, to
demonstrate their loyalty to his Majesty, by ex-
erting their most strenuous efforts in granting
supplies and raising forces.” This is the unani-
mous resolution of a Congress composed of de-
puties from the several colonies of New-Hamp-
shire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, and
Providence plantations, Connecticut, New-
York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties
of New-Castle, Kent, and Suffex, on Delaware,
Maryland, Virginia, and the two Carolinas. I
have heard, Sir, of a plan of accommodation,
which I believe would reconcile all differences.
But, alas! Sir, it did not come from any ser-
vant of the Crown. It comes from a noble Lord
to whom this country has the most essential ob-
ligations, and is so much indebted for it late
splendor and glory. It is to assemble another
Congress in the spring, under the authority of
the Parliament of Great-Britain; the Deputies
of the several colonies to meet together, and to
be jointly empowered to regulate the various
quotas to be paid by each province to the ge-
neral treasury of the whole empire.

I would, in addition to that plan, propose,
that a regulation similar to what actually takes
place with respect to Scotland, be adopted as
to America. The proportion of each Colony
might be settled according to the Land
Tax in
England, at one, two, or more shillings in the
pound. I am not deep politician enough to
know what the proportions should be of each
province, and they will vary greatly in half a
century; but I speak of their quota being al-
ways to be regulated according to the Land
Tax of this country. The very flourishing Co-
lonies of the Massachusetts’s-Bay, Virginia, and
South Carolina, for instance, should contribute
more; the smaller and poorer Colonies of New-
Hampshire and New-Jersey less: but, Sir, I in-
sist not a single shilling can be taken without
their consent; and after this day’s debate, should
the address be carried, I greatly fear every idea
of a reconciliation will be utterly impracti-
cable.

The Americans, Sir, have of late both with-
in doors and without, been treated with the
greatest injustice, and even a wanton degree of
cruelty. An Honourable Gentleman has just
told us, that they complain of the NAVIGATION
ACT, and insist on its repeal. We have authen-
tic evidence to the contrary. In the resolutions
of the Congress, they repeatedly desire to be
put only on the footing they were, AT THE
CLOSE OF THE LATE WAR,” as to the system
of statutes and regulations;” nor among the va-
rious acts, of which they desire the repeal, do
they once mention either the NAVIGATION or
the DECLARATORY ACT. It is said likewise they
wish to throw off the supremacy of this country
Many express resolutions, both of the General
Congress, and the Provincial Congresses, are
the fullest evidence of the sense which the Ame-
icans entertain of their obedience and duty to
this country. They are too numerous to be
quoted. Their full claim, as stated by themselves,
is so well worded, I beg to read it to the House
from their petition to the King. “WE ASK BUT
”FOR PEACE, LIBERTY, AND SAFETY.”---Sure,
Sir, no request was ever more reasonable, no
claim better founded. “We wish not a dimi-
”nution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit
”a grant of any new right in our favour.---
”Your royal authority over us, and our con-
”nection with Great-Britain, we shall always
”carefully and zealously endeavour to support
”and maintain; whilst administration are en-
”deavouring to tear asunder those ties, which
”have so long and happily bound us to-
”gether.”

The Address, Sir, mentions the particular

Column 3

province of Massachusetts’s-Bay, as in a state of
actual rebellion, and the other provinces are con-
sidered as aiding and abetting them. Much has
been said by some learned Gentlemen to involve
them in all the consequences of a declared re-
bellion, and to encourage our officers and troops
to act against them as against rebels.—Whe-
ther the present state is that of rebellion, or of
a fit and proper resistance to unlawful acts of
power, to our attempts to rob them of their
property and liberties, as they imagine, I do
not determine. This I know, a successful re-
sistance is a REVOLUTION, not a REBELLION.
Who can tell, Sir, whether in consequence of
this very day’s violent and mad Address to his
Majesty, the scabbard may not be thrown away
by them, as well as by us, and should success
attend them, whether in a few years, the Ame-
ricans may not celebrate the glorious era of
1775, as we do that of 1688? Success crowned
the generous efforts of our forefathers for free-
dom, else they had died on the scaffold as trai-
tors and rebels; and the period of our history,
which does us the most honor, would have been
deemed a REBELLION against lawful authority,
not a resistance authorized by all the laws of
God and man, not the expulsion of a tyrant.

The policy, Sir, of this measure, I can no
more comprehend, than I can acknowledge the
justice of it. Is your force adequate to the
attempt? I am satisfied it is not. What are
your armies and how are they to be recruited?
Do you recollect that the single province of the
Massachusetts’s -Bay, has at this moment above
30,000 men well trained and disciplined, and
can bring near 90,000 men into the field? They
will do it when they are fighting from their liber-
ties. You will not be able to conquer and keep
even that single province. The Noble Lord pro-
poses only 10,000 of our troops to be there,
including the four regiments now going from
Ireland, and he acknowledges very truly, that
the army cannot enforce the late acts of Parlia-
ment. Why then is it sent? Boston indeed you
may lay in ashes, or it may be made a strong
garrison, but the province will be lost to you.
Boston will be like Gibraltar. You will hold in
the province of Massachusetts’s-Bay, as you do
in Spain, a single town, the whole country in
the power and possession of the enemy. Your
fleets and armies may keep a few towns on the
coast, for some time at least, Boston, New-York,
St. Augustine. The vast continent of America
will be lost to you. A few fortresses on the coast
and some sea-ports only you will keep, all the
back settlements will be independent of you,
and will thrive in the rapid progression of your
violences and your unjust exactions on the towns.
The ancient stories of the Carthagenian hide
will be verified as to you. Where you tread it, it
will be kept down, but it will rise the more in
all the other parts. Where your fleets and ar-
mies are stationed, the possession will be yours,
but all the rest will be lost. I fear from this day,
in the general scale of empire, you will decline,
and the Americans will rise to independence, to
power, to all the greatness of the most renown-
ed states, for they build on the solid basis of
public Liberty.

Sir, this Address is founded in injustice and
cruelty. It is equally contrary to the sound max-
ims of true policy, and to the unerring rule of
natural right. The Americans will defend their
property and their liberties with the spirit of
freemen, with the spirit I hope we should.
They will sooner declare themselves independ-
ent, and risk every consequence of such a con-
test, than submit to the yoke which Administra-
tion is preparing for them. An address of so
sanguinary a nature cannot fail of driving
them to despair. They will see that you are
preparing, not only to draw the sword, but to
burn the scabbard. You are declaring them re-
bels. Every idea of a reconciliation will vanish.
They will pursue the most vigorous measures
in their own defence. The whole Continent
will be dismembered from Great-Britain, and
THE WIDE ARCH OF THE RAISED EMPIRE FALL.
But I hope the just vengeance of the people will
overtake the author of these pernicious counsels,
and the loss of the first province to the empire,
be speedily followed by the loss of the heads of
those Ministers, who advised these wicked and
fatal measures.

NORFOLK: Printed by JOHN H. HOLT & Co. at the new Printing-Office near the Market-House; where Subscriptions for
this Paper are taken in at 12s. 6d per ANNUM: Advertisements (of a moderate Length) inserted at 3s. the first Week, and
2s. each Week after.-----All Kinds of Printing-Work executed in the neatest Manner, with Care and Expedition.

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Citation

John H. Holt & Co., “The Virginia Gazette, or, The Norfolk Intelligencer. Number 48, Thursday May 4, 1775,” Special Collections, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library, Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, accessed March 29, 2024, https://cwfjdrlsc.omeka.net/items/show/1278.
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