The Virginia gazette. Number 419, Thursday May 19, 1774
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THE
VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
OPEN TO ALL PARTIES, BUT INFLUENCED BY NONE.
THURSDAY, MAY 19, 1774. NUMBER 419.
WILLIAMSBURG: PRINTED BY CLEMENTINA RIND.
All Persons may be supplied with this GAZETTE at 12s. 6d. a Year. ADVERTISEMENTS, of a moderate Length, are inserted for 3s. the first Week,
and 2s.each Time after; long ones in Proportion.----PRINTING WORK, of every Kind, executed with Care and Dispatch.
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From the PUBLIC ADVERTISER.
To the EARLof DARTMOUTH.
My LORD,
the house of representatives of the Massachu-
setts Bay, against their governors will have
so decisive an influence on the people of that
province, that I feel myself compelled to ad-
dress your lordship on the subject.
A discovery is made, by letters under their own hands,
that the governor and lieutenant governor had been se-
cretly labouring to subvert the chartered rights of the
colony, to subject the people to arbitrary government,
and subdue them by military force. It appeared, that to
acc omplish these ends, they had painted the proceedings
of the people in the most false and odious colours; for-
going falsehoods where misrepresentation would not suffice.
All this was conducted under the cloak of secret and
confidential correspondence, that the mischief might
come upon them unforeseen, the causes unknown, and
the authors undiscovered. The people were to be the
victims of a secret information; they were to be con-
demned without being heard, and punished with the
heaviest of all calamities, the loss of their rights and li-
berties, without being apprized of the accusation, or a
possibility of defence.
The persons who planned and executed this atrocious,
and (for upon principle it cannot be deemed less) this
treasonable conspiracy against the constitution, stipulated
their expectations of a reward.
It was natural that this discovery should exasperate the
people to an extreme. They saw, in the persons of those
who were thus planning their destruction, men bound to
them by all ties of fellow citizens, and the obligations
of gratitude; men who had been long cherished, trusted,
and honoured among them, and who had always pro-
sessed the most zealous attachment, which virtue and
gratitude could inspire, to their rights and interests.
This was more especially the case of their chief governor,
who was, at that very time, practising every art to fix in
the minds of the people an exalted opinion of his warmest
affection for them, and of us unremitting endeavours to
promote their best interests at the court of Great Britain.
They saw besides in the mode of this attempt against them
something peculiarly malignant. The ministry were
sufficiently disposed to adopt every severity again them.
Governor Bernard and the commissioners were sufficient
to keep up their prejudices and passions. To poison the
minds of those in opposition, and by that means to deprive
the people of every benefit, either from the efforts of that
opposition, or from a change of administration, was the
diabolical plan of Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver.
Had the popular indignation been followed by the most
immediate and tragical consequences no one could have
been surprised. Happily, however, the very men whom
the governors had aspersed as the sowers of sedition and
promoters of outrage, prevailed upon them to trust to his
majesty’s justice for redress. For this purpose the house
ofrepresentatives have , in humble petition, implored his
majesty’s intervention to remove these men, because they
have lost all trust and confidence with the people. It is
this prayer to which you are now to advise an answer.
It is well worth considering, my lord, what will be
the consequence of an ungracious, irritating answer. For
some years past the people of America, and those of Bos-
ton in particular, have been abused, misrepresented, and
oppressed, beyond the example of the world of times.
They have seen, for a series of years, every representation
against them received, every application for them reject-
ed. When the authors of the secret informations, which
tended to bring upon them the displeasure of their sove-
reign, the resentment of parliament, and to subvert their
liberties, were providentially discovered, and their re-
presentations proved false and wicked; the consequence
has invariably been the encouragement and reward of
those so detected. The discovery of governor Bernard’s
false and malignant letters, with the frauds he committed
in his office, served only to make him a baronet with
what is equivalent to an enormous pension. Mr. Oiver
was charged upon the oaths of several of his majesty’s
council, and by their unanimous resolution, with a most
dangerous breach of trust, in having forged minutes of
their board, and authenticated them on oath, for the
purpose of justifying a massacre committee by a licentious
soldiery, and to throw the blame of it upon the people.
What was the consequence? Not punishment, but pro-
motion. The people saw, with astonishment and horror,
this very man, thus stigmatized,* immediately promoted
to be lieutenant governor.
These are facts, my lord, of public notoriety; they
are facts, which, speaking to stones, would make them
capable. Rewards have followed crimes as constantly as
light the sun. Promotion and emolument in American
have been exactly proportioned to mens perfidy to the
people, and their avowed enmity to their immediate coun-
*See proceedings in his majesty’s council at BOSTON,
October 4, 1770.
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try. No people can be so dull as not to feel these inju-
ries; no people can be so pusillanimous as not to resent
them. Reiterated oppressions, detections, complaints,
and disappointments, hkave worked up mens minds to the
highest pitch of resentment and despair. The measure
is now full; one drop more may make the waters of bit
terness overflow, to the destruction of the most valuable
commerce of this county, and the irreparable injury of
the whole dominion.
The people of the Massachusetts Bay have asked hum-
bly, and waited patiently, for justice, against Mr. Hut-
chinson and Mr. Oliver. That the tax was artfully
thrown in to irritate and incense them to violence was
not their fault. Infamous, inimical, and odious, as the
governors have rendered themselves, they have been
suffered to sleep in security. A confidence in his majesty’s
justice, a hope that the eyes of his ministers would be at
length opened, have suspended their resentment. In my
opinion, my lord, this is the last effort of expectation
and endurance.>/p>
I have not yet heard a denial or publication of the
letters upon which their petition is founded. But it has
been said that the letters cannot be admitted as evidence
unless the manner in which they were obtained be de-
clared. This rule of evidence is the first impression,
and as rational as it is new. We ought to at least to be told
in what book of evidence it is to be found; in what court,
in what case, it was ever urged or admitted. The North
Britons have kindly undertaken to reprint and correct
our books; perhaps it is it is to be found in some Scotch ed-
tions of our law books and reports. New modelling our
law has been long the favourite object of our smiling
friends from that quarter.
Governor Hutchinson has acknowledged, in his answer
to an address from the council, that some of the letters
bear his signature; they stand therefore as matter of re-
cord, the verity of which cannot be affected by the man-
ner in which they were obtained. Not that I have heard
it even insinuated by an reputable person that they were
procured by any undue means. It seems, therefore, that
the objection is not that they were unfairly obtained, but
that idle, perhaps impertinent, curiosity is not gratified
by knowing how they were procured.
When a noble lord, for so his patent obliges me to call
him, produced the essay on woman in the house of peers,
was any enquiry made into the manner of procuring it?
On the contrary, thought it was soon proved that the
mode of obtaining it was in violation of all honesty and
good faith, did not both houses of parliament proceed to
the severest censure, and the court of king’s bench to the
heaviest judgement, against the ostensible author upon the
evidence of that essay so sagaciously obtained? And are
we now to be told that the malefactions of Mr. Hutchin-
son and Mr. Oliver shall escape punishment upon this
pretence?
I have dwelt too long upon an objection utterly con-
temptible, and which, but for the high and dangerous
tendency of it, would not merit a moment’s consideration.
My lord, the single question is, whether men, who
have rendered themselves universally obnoxious to the
people, shall be continued in authority over them? To
determine in the affirmative is to set the sentiments of
the people at defiance. Is there any man so wicked as
to wish, or so weak as to expect, that a government,
conducted on such principles, would be secure or lasting?
The folly of government may be sometimes forgiven; its
injustice never. But when folly and injustice unite, it
must be odious, weak, and contemptible. A little time,
my lord, will shew that government, in the hands of
obnoxious men, is too arbitrary, too inconsistent, with
the genius of the people. to be long endured. No rea
soning can reconcile them, nor force can subdue them,
to it. It is justice only that can endure submission; for
as judge Blackstone observes: “It is found by experience,
that whenever the unconstitutional oppression, even of
the sovereign power, advance, with gigantic strides, and
threaten desolation to a state, mankind will not be rea-
soned out of the feelings of humanity, nor will sacrifice
their liberty by a scrupulous adherence to those political
maxims, which were originally established to preserve it.”
My lord, an attempt to establish government in America
by military force, must be ultimately fatal to this coun-
try. It will commence in folly and injustice; it will end
in distress and humiliation.
RALEIGH.
Mrs. RIND,
It is a very common, and I believe, a very just com-
plaint, that the college of William and Mary hath
as yet been far from answering the ends of its institution,
and, indeed, those ends which might reasonably be ex-
pected from a college so well endowed. Superior in its
revenues to any literary establishment upon the continent,
it hath fallen greatly short of some of them as a seminary
of learning. To suppose that the gentlemen who have
been entrusted with the management of it have been al-
ways, in fault would certainly be very unfair. Many of
these, without doubt, have been both ably qualified and
heartily inclined to promote its good intention. But a
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wrong mode of education, at the first adopted, and since
too blindly followed, together with an evil which the
professors had no power to remedy, seem to have frus-
trated all endeavours ot make it flourish. A grammar
school at the foundation of the college was annexed to
it, a measure with at that time might have been
dictated by the circumstances of the country, and the
low state of the funds, but which experience has since
taught us to be attended with many bad consequences.
Little or no distinction is made between the boys of this
school and the students of the college. Entitled to, or
at least indulged with, nearly the same privileges, the
former too soon forget that they are boys, and the latter
too seldom perceive that they have a superior character
to maintain. As this is not merely speculation, but real
matter of fact, it is surely worthy of the most serious
attention of the visitors. The revenues of the college
are now much encreased, the assembly has ever shewn a
willingness to assist it, and a large extent of country is
equally populaous, and equally well cultivated with that
in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg. What then is
there to prevent the visitors from removing the grammar
school to some of the college lands, at a distance from
the metropolis; for instance, to those in King William?
Every thing necessary for the accommodation of the boys
could there be easily procured, temptations to idleness
and vice would be less common, feeling none enjoy great-
er liberties than themselves, they would be satisfied with
their portion, nor would they languish for such as it
would be improper to grant them. Having completed
their classical education there, then let them be removed
to the college. This removal would create in them a
higher idea of the dignity of a student. They would
look upon themselves as entering upon a nobler scene of
action; a scene wherein puerility was to be exchanged for
the manly and philosophical life. I can easily foresee
that the step which I have proposed would meet with
opposition from those in and about the city of Williams-
burg. But if it be considered that this grammar school
was intended for the benefit of the public, and not of in-
dividuals, that by such a removal no general inconve-
nience could be produced, but that several good conse-
quences, as shewn above, would result from it, their
opposition must appear selfish and unreasonable.
The great imperfection in the present mode of educa-
tion seems to be this; that instead of a regular process in
their studies, the students are permitted, for the most
part, to attend what lectures they please, and in the or-
der most agreeable to themselves. That such a liberty
will put it into their power to waste much of their time is
very evident. For instance, a student chuses to attend
lectures upon natural philosophy. As these are not given
oftener than twice a week, he has four days entirely
at his own disposal. For these, it is true, he may find
sufficient employment, in making himself acquainted with
what different authors have said upon the immediate ob-
ject of his study; but he is under no obligation to do this.
If he is indolent, or vicious, or fond of pleasure, he has
it in his power to indulge himself. And thus, after
throwing away three of four of the most precious years
of his life, does many a youth quit the college with only
the< em>credit of having been so long there. Degrees have
been indeed lately conferred on some few students; and
from this it might be presumed, by a stranger, that these
at least had gone through a regular course of education.
This, however, as far as I have been able to learn, was
not the case. Some of them were acquainted with the
classics, others with the mathematics, others had attend-
ed lectures upon rhetoric and moral philosophy, but
none had run the general circle, none had been called to
an examination, previous to the conferring of this literary
honour upon them; a custom in all other colleges and uni-
versities. The impropriety of this mode of education is so
very apparent, that any farther demonstration of it would
be an insult upon the most common understanding.
An improvement upon the present plan would, I think,
require another professor, whose business it would be to
read with the students the higher classics, and to give
lectures upon chronology, geography, and history. Part
of this duty is at present expected from the moral pro-
fessor, but he has, exclusive of this, as much as he can
well perform; and these are branched of literature with
which every man of liberal education ought to be ac-
quainted.
The students should be divided into three classes,
which might be distinguished by the titles of seniors,
juniors, and freshmen. The qualifications of such as
enter the freshmen, or lower class, ought to be a good
acquaintance with the Latin and Greek school authors,
and with arithmetic. At their entrance into college,
they should begin with algebra, under the professor of
mathematics and natural philosophy, logic under the
moral professor, and Horace, Homer, or some other
classic, under the other, whom we will call the professor
of humanity. Euclid’s elements should succeed to alge-
bra, metaphysics to logic, and chronology and history
might be intermixed with the classics. This would be
ample employment for the first year. Let them then be
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examined, and as many as are approved of raised into
the junior class. Such as are deficient, should be
obliged to remain amongst the freshmen another year.
The Juniors should begin with plain trigonometry, which
they might apply to surveying, then proceed to fluxions,
conic sections, and spherical trigonometry, which might
conclude the business of the second year in this depart-
ment. The same period, in the other two, should com-
prehend the study of moral philosophy, and of Cicero’s
moral works, with other Roman and Greek moralists.
Let them be again examined, and either preferred to the
senior class, or continued juniors, as they acquitted them-
selves. The study of natural philosophy and astronomy,
of rhetoric and the best English poets, of the Roman
and Grecian critics and orators, together with a general
review, should be the business of the third and last year
of their college education. Let, then, such as chuse to
stand for degrees, be examined by the professor, either
privately, or before a few of the visitors, in every branch
of academical learning. If they pass this with credit,
let a day be appointed for public examination, when
every one, who is inclined, may attend. Afterwards, it
may not be improper to fix a day for public exercises,
when each candidate may have an opportunity of dis-
playing his abilities as a writer and an orator. At the
conclusion of these exercises, let them be rewarded with
those honours which ought only to be conferred upon
the sons of science. These two last regulations, though
not absolutely necessary, would have their use: They
would give satisfaction to the country, raise the reputa-
tion of the college, and be a powerful incitement to the
youthful mind, which is ever fond of pomp and public
applause.
We are obliged to defer the remainder of ACADEMICUS
till next week.
Mrs. RIND,
DISAGREEABLE as it is to me to submit any thing
I can write to the examination of the public, and
painful as it is to arraign the conduct and religious prin-
ciples of a gentleman with whom I have so long lived in
a state of intimacy and friendship, yet justice to some
injured characters, a love of truth, and a regard for our
excellent establishment, demand that I should lay aside
the bashfulness of an author, and be deaf to the solici-
tations of friendship.
In vindication of the characters just mentioned, I must
declare, that I have head Mr. Henley frequently avow
the same opinions which Mrs. Nicholas affirmed to the
vestry she had heard him maintain; that the treasurer
advanced nothing, as my testimony, in his letter in Pur-
die’s paper of February the 24th, 1774, but what I had
authorized him to say, and that I authorized him to say
nothing but what I can prove. And further, I do de-
clare, in justice to Colonel Bland, that I have heard
Mr. Henley comment on some verses in the 1st chapter
of Hebrews in the very manner in which the socinians
explain them, and that I, as well as the colonel, from
that circumstance, concluded him a socinian: I think I
can prove that several others have heard Mr. Henley
make the same remarks on that chapter. As to some
insinuations that I have betrayed confidential conversations,
I shall just observe, that I have related nothing which he
has said to me in private, and declare, that he always
appeared to me to be fond of publishing his doctrines,
Had Mr. Henley trusted me alone with his religious te-
nets, had he not appeared to me to be desirous of propa-
gating them, I should have been far from desiring to
discover them to the world; had they been only volatile ex-
pressions, thrown out in the sallies of private and confi-
dential disputation, his character would have been un-
impeached, and I should not now be under the disagree-
able necessity of affirming that this was not the case.
Both truth and justice oblige me to take notice of Mr.
Henley’s gross misrepresentation of a matter of fact, and
of part of my testimony, in his pamphlet, page the 29th.
The fact was this: Mr. Henley once took occasion to say
something concerning the trinity, which Mr. Andrews
and myself, the only persons then present, thought, and
we still think, amounted to a denial of the divinity of the
son and holy ghost. I asked him if these were his sentiments
how he could “say the first sentences of the litany?” To
which he replied; that he did not read the sentences I
alluded to as they are commonly read; and then he at-
tempted to repeat them, so as by laying an emphasis on
some words, he might appear to exclude the idea of divi-
nity from being affixed to the words son and holy ghost in
those sentences. It is evident that the purport of my
question was, how he could deny thedivinity of two per-
sons of the adorable trinity,, and yet use that part of our
church service in which he must address each person ex-
presly as GOD; and it as clear, at least is to me, that by
his answer, he denied that he did pray to them as GOD.
The litany, and manner of reading it, were mentioned
as now related, and upon no other occasion; and yet
Mr. Henley represents this part of my testimony as
amounting to no more than a trifling dispute concerning
the manner of pointing and accenting the litany. Mr.
Henley’s manner of repeating the litany appeared
”strange” to me; it was new, and appeared to be a mi-
serable evasion, which at first I really could not well see
the force of; to explain which, and to confirm, in some
measure, this part of my testimony, I must beg leave to
insert here some extracts from the Gentleman’s Magazine
for January 1774. Theophilus Lindsey, vicar of Catte-
rick, Yorkshire, being dissatisfied with the
doctrine of the
trinity, and some of the thirty nine articles, and observ-
ing that “the devotions of the church are framed in strict
agreement with the articles, and correspond with them
more especially in what relates to religious worship, look-
ed upon his continuing to officiate in them as a constant
virtual repetition of his subscription.” He had applied
with the petitioners t parliament for relief in vain. “In
this state of things (says he) I had no choice left, but
either to change the public service of the church, and
make is such as I could conscientiously officiate in, or
quietly to retire. I could not reconcile myself to the
former, because I looked upon the declaration of con-
formity and subscription to be such solemn ties, that I
could not be easy under so great a violation of them.”
He therefore very conscientiously resigned his vicarage.
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He says, in his agology,, that whilst he officiated, he
took this method to satisfy his mind: ”I brought myself
to consider the trinitarian form in the liturgy, and the
invocations of the entrance of the litany, as a threefold re-
presentation of the one God, the father, governing all
things by himself, and by his son, and his spirit; and as a
threefold way of addressing him, as Creator and original
benevolent cause of all things, as Redeemer of mankind
by his son, and their sanctifier by his holy spirit.” This
may explain what I meant when I fell into the odd
phraseology Mr. Henley points out in his pamphlet, page
28. But to shew that my construction on the manner of
his repeating the litany was just, I must make one more
extract from Mr. Lindsey’s apology: He says, he went
on in this manner, “till, from some providential awaken-
ings it appeared to me a blameable duplicity, that whilst
I was praying to the one God the Father, the people
that heard me were led, by the language I used, to ad-
dress themselves to two other persons, or distinct intelligent
agents, for they would never subtilize so far as to fancy
the son and holy spirit to be merely two modes, or re-
spects, or relations of God to them.
These extracts require no comment; but as Mr. An-
drews does not recollect what passed between Mr. Henley
and myself concerning the litany, I must observe that
they are a pretty good proof of the truth of my account
of that part of our conversation; for it must be observed
that I had given in my testimony to the treasurer before
Mr. Lindsey had published his apology in England.
But although Mr. Andrews (now the reverent Mr. An-
drews of York town) does not remember this, yet he re-
collects, what is so very material, that I have obtained
his permission to publish some extracts from a letter which
he wrote in answer to one of mine, in which I desired
him to give me an account of what passed between Mr.
Henley and us relating to the trinity. He says,”Mr.
Henley, after mentioning several parts of a religious
dispute which had happened between him and a gentle-
man in England, told us that the gentleman at last asked
him how he defended the doctrine of the trinity from
scripture, thinking (he said) to triumph over him in this
point. But herein (he said) the gentleman was disap-
pointed, as he assured him thathe himself did not believe
that the doctrine of the trinity was taught in the scriptures.
I remember that I was silent upon the occasion, and that
you made some short observation, which I have now
forgotten. I remember also that we changed the subject,
unwilling to hear more of what had so direct a tendency
to destroy that good opinion of Mr. Henley which we
were desiring of entertaining. As soon as Mr. Henley
left us, we communicated to each other our surprize at
his disbelief, especially to me, with whom he had an
acquaintance of but a few hours. I may perhaps be
mistaken in some circumstances, as almost three years
have since elapsed, and as our inclination was rather to
forget than to retain what we had heard; but with re-
spect to what was said concerning the TRINITY I have
no doubt.” Mr. Henley says, page 23, “It may perhaps
happen that I am impeached, nor for denying the doctrine
of the church, but the doctrine of Mr. Page.” I think
the above extracts will shew, pretty clearly, whose doc-
trine it was, and how far my “testimony is in Mr. Hen-
ley’s favour.” See his pamphlet, page 66.
I will make no farther remarks at present, lest I should
prove troublesome to you at this busy time, and engross
too large a part of your paper. I am, Madam, your
most obedient humble servant,
JOHN PAGE, of ROSEWELL.
AGREEABLE to the act of assembly for clearing
rivers and creeks, the court of Cumberland have
appointed commissioners to agree with any person or
persons, willing to undertake the clearing of Willis’s
river, in the said county. The subscribers give notice
that they will attend at Horn Quarter Bridge, on the
said river, on Thursday the ninth day of June, to let
to the lowest bidder the said work. Bond and security
will be required of the undertaker for the due perform-
ance of the same.
George Carrington, Thomas Tabb,
John Woodson, Robert Smith,
Joseph Calland, Joseph Carrington.
IN May, 1773, or near that time, I gave my bond to
John Reid, of Amherst county, for 125l. currency,
payable in April, 1774: I forewarn any person from
taking said bond of Reid, as I will not pay any of the
money till such time as the said Reid fulfils his bargain
with me, 2 CHARLES SIMS,
VIRGINIA, se.
At a general court, held at the capitol, the 7th day of
May, 1774. In CCHANCERY.
Philip Ludwell Grymes, son and heir of the honour-
able Philip Grymes, Esquire, deceased, and John
Grymes, Charles Grymes, and Benjamin Grymes,
the younger sons, and devisees of the said Philip
Grymes, plaintiffs, against
Benjamin Grymes, gentleman, one of the execu-
tors of the last will and testament of the said
Philip Grymes, deceased, defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiffs, and for reasons ap-
pearing to the court, it is decreed and ordered
that the said defendant give sufficient security for his fu-
ture due and faithful administration of his said testator’s
estate, and that he be enjoined from intermeddling in
any manner or degree whatever with the said estate until
such security be given, or until the further order of this
court concerning the same. BEN:WALLER.
WILLIAMSBURG, May 19.
Last Saturday there fell a shower of hail in
Gloucester county, which did considerable damage to the
wheat. I several places there were hailstones as large
as goose eggs; many as large as hen eggs. In some
places, and particularly near Mr. Willis’s mill, the
earth was covered several inches deep with hail as large
as pistol bullets. The hail and rain fell together so vio-
lently there, that they filled the buckets of the wheel, and
set the mill to work, and carried round the works for a
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considerable time with great velocity. The water in the
pond was not within a foot of the wheel, for the dam
had but lately been made up; and this fact Mr. Willis
and Mr. Peter Whiting, who had taken shelter in the
mill house, were witnesses of. This account is attested
by a gentleman of undoubted veracity. From several
other parts of the country we are informed, that the
hail was so large as to strip lusty trees of their leaves and
limbs, and also killed abundance of cattle, horses, hogs,
&c._____The wheat fields and meadows, says the same
correspondent, both in Gloucester and York, are terribly
infested with a kind of work or caterpillar. They have
done considerable mischief to the corn, and to the tobac-
co which has been planted.
As there was a probability that our sister colonies
might have received some late intelligence from England
respecting the proceedings of the parliament against
them, and as we are ever willing to convey any accounts
which may in any wise tend to benefit the public, and
guard them against the oppressive conduct of our enemies
at home, we reserved the publication of our paper until
the northern post should arrive, in hopes that we might
have presented our readers with the sentiments entertained
by the Bostonions, and in what manner they intended
to proceed; but, according to the papers from thence,
they have not received so late information as ourselves,
relative to this noisy and troublesome affair.
Arrived, the Liberty, Outram, in York river; Brilli-
ant, Bennet, from Glasgow, assistance, Fairish, from
Whitehaven, Nancy, Cunningham, from Hull, Success,
Green, from London, and Peggy, Sister, from Liver-
pool, in James river; Nassau, Wignell, and Molly,
Parry, from Liverpool, Neptune, Kennedy, from Glas-
gow, and Muir, Richardson, from Antigua, in Rappa-
hannock.
The members of the society for promoting USEFUL
KNOWLEDGE are desired to meet on TUESDAY the 31st of May.
At a time when the liberties of the colonies are daringly
infringed, and despotism is exerting her baneful influence
in the minds of those who wish not well to the just privi-
leges of America, it certainly behoves every wellwisher to
her rights, and more especially a publisher of intelligence
who has her cause sincerely at heart, to lay openly those
matters which may, in any respect, tend to the discovery of
arbitrary or illegal measures, threatened by the mother
country towards us. Under this head, the printer of this
paper conceives herself obligated to convey to the public the
late despotic proceedings of the h---e of c-----s in the
most ample manner, and to brand with infamy those un-
precedented resolves which they have so precipitately entered
into. But without a minute detail, with respect to the
many paragraphs in the English papers, for and against
this injured country, and which are so frequently blended
as materially to contradict each other, we have rather
adopted a more permanent authority, by introducing a
few candid pieces, sufficiently descriptive of the oppressive
proceedings of the PARENTAL country towards her dutiful
and filial children. Nor have we neglected an ADDRESS,
which, however curious, is left to our readers, whether it
deserves their approbation or contempt. The illegal and
unwarrantable act of parliament, passed on the 30th of
March last, and principally aimed against the Bostonians,
whose patriotic conduct on so interesting an occasion deserves
the highest applause, will not, it is hoped, quell their free
spirit, now the storm is beginning, and more especially as
there are so many united colonies to protect her at so critical
a juncture.
To the PRINTER.
SIR,
THE state of America is now becoming the subject
of serious consideration. Every real friend to that
country and to this must rejoice that it is so. Not only
the distress of both countries, form the present measures,
calls for that consideration; but, what is of the utmost
moment, the prevention of a national enmity being sub-
stituted for that confidence which formerly cemented us
together. That enmity must enevitably arise from con-
tinuing a systematic attempt in one part of the empire,
to employ its superior force in subduing the other to her
arbitrary will, Can it but be felt as an act of tyranny
never to be forgiven, if we employ our power not for the
purposed of protection, but of oppression?
But this deliberation must, to answer any great and
good purpose, be conducted with candour, justice, and
wisdom. Temporary expedients, violent, partial, and
precipitate counsels, serve only to increase the disease,
which they pretend to cure. The inflamed state of the
subject requires a tender hand and lenient applications.
”We have already tried what advantage is to be found
in governing by force, and have no reason to be proud of
the experiment.” The great concerns of a great nation
should be measured upon a scale of proportionably mag-
nitude. To speak again in the words of a wise and bene-
volent prelate, "a great, liberal, commanding spirit is
wanting; such as has appeared rarely in modern times,
but was better known to the ancients, which, without
computing and calculating what is strictly due, can extort
affections and gratitude by public services, which can sa-
crifice little, and even great interests to the establishment of
a solid, permanent authority, founded on justice and mo-
deration,, which, permitting her subjects to enjoy and
improve all their natural advantages, can always avail
herself of their wealth and numbers for the defence, or
the glory of the empire, and is sure to find the most
powerful resources of government in their friendshop and
love.”
Let justice and moderation govern the exercise of our
supreme authority over our colonies, and they will em-
brace us again with hears full of joy and acquiescence.
Let a great and liberal spirit go forth from hence, and it
will be received in America with satisfaction, and obeyed
without reluctance. Let the gentle hand of commerce
and of requisition, and not the red right arm of power
by arbitrary taxation, draw from her the produce of her
soil, and the surplus, if there be any, of her wealth.
She will minister this to our wants, to our strength, to
our grandeur, not ony without repining and without
complaint, but with cordiality and zeal. But
__ __ __ Differt summasne pudenter
An rapias. __ __ __ __
Column 1
Too long have our regiments insulted their streets, and
our ships harassed their harbours. Too long have we
worn the face, without the advantages of hostility. Alas!
no advantage can ever be derived from it, because a victo-
ry would be our ruin. It would be a conquest over our-
selves, over the constitution and the commerce of this
country. For if the being taxed by our own consent
only, given by our representatives, be not the vital spirit
of our constitution, what is so? If we aid in ravishing
this right from America, with what justice can we claim
it for ourselves? Let us not then establish a precedent
which may conclude fatally to the whole kindgdom.
Is not the commerce with America of the last impor-
tance to this country: Will a military force, or irritating
avenging measures, retrieve what our ill policy may lose?
Is commerce a subject of compulsion? Shedding blood
would therefore be an act of savage rage, not of sound
wisdom. It will not redeem, but utterly ruin our co,-
merce. But the Americans will not oppose force by
force. They will use a much more irresistible mode of
opposition. I do not speak it to insult, but to inform.
I love and revere this country. I know it is the wish of
America to love and revere this country, not as slaves
but as subjects. Their opposition will be silent, and its
operation will be sure, though slow. No cunning can
elude, no force can frustrate its effects. Our commerce
must sink under it. The superior power of this country
will endeavour to aid it vain. That power will find it-
self in the situation of Volscens:
-- -- -- Nec teli conspicit usquam
Auctorem, nec quo se ardens immittere possit.
And for what is it that we are to hazard these conse-
quences? We are to fix a badge of slavery upon America,
to establish four ourselves a barren revenue. Have our
own burthens received one shilling alleviation from this
American tax, so arbitrarily imposed, so obstinately main-
tained? Is there any man in his senses who expects from
it any national relief? On the contrary, are we not this
moment at the expence of a military establishment in
American, for this sole purpose, twenty times greater than
was ever incurred before in times of peace. If our justice
is banished, where is our wisdom? Is not all this encreas-
ing our expences and our distress, without an actual,
without a probable equivalent? Is it not putting our best
commercial advantages to the hazard, without any emo-
lument if we succeed, without any retribution if we fail?
Is this wisdom, or is it folly, in the extreme? Is it spirit
or insanity? This paradoxical policy which proposes
Per damna, per cedes ab ipso
Ducere opes, animumque ferro?
Are these the means of relieving the distress of this
unhappy, this exhausted country? Because her burthens
are already greater than the well can bear, with all her
sources of wealth, are we therefore to lop off one of her
best, her surest resources, our American commerce? That
and the very means of supporting our national burthens.
That commerce from which the best bulwark of our
island, the navy, derives the strongest sinews of her
strength. That commerce which already furnished such
considerable supplies for the support of government.
These will be our triumphs; these our successes. But
will these feed the starving manufacturer? Will they re-
imburse the ruined merchant? Will they compensate the
injured revenue: Will they man our navy, or minister
any relief to the whole kingdom under the distress of a
general stagnation of manufacturers and of trade? Will
it satisfy the calls of hunger, or alleviate the distress of
bankruptcy, to read in the papers that our troops have
put fifty thousand Americans to the sword, our fleets
have laid the cities of Boston and New York in ashes?
When we talk of maintaining our power over the
colonies by severe laws and military force, we should
consider the wisdom of Queen Mary’s observation, which
applies equally here:---“That the state of every king
consists more assuredly in the love of the subjects towards
their prince than in the dread of laws made with rigo-
rous pains.”* When the distress our conduct will in all
human probability occasion, bear hard upon us, when
the emergency of a war calls for our military force at
home, and all our strength abroad, it will then be too
late to recollect the wise observation which Tacitus
ascribes to a British King, when this country felt its day
of foreign oppression, Metus et terror est infirma vincula
caritatis, quae ubi removeris, qui timere desierent, odisse
incipiant.
Dread and terror are but weak bonds of attachment,
and upon their dissolution, when fear ends, hatred begins
. JUNIUS AMERICANUS.
*1st Mary, Ch. I. St. I.
A WORD of EXPOSTULATION from the KING, LORDS,
andCOMMONS, to the AMERICANS.
High and mighty,
THE people of England having been for ages ac
knowledged the supreme head of all dominions
belonging to the imperial crown of this kingdom, they
naturally exercised from the first period of their political
existence a power to make laws for their provinces, and
as naturally imagined that the same principle of equity
which supported the right of their legal pre-eminence,
would always support the necessary superiority of their
interest over their various dependencies.
In this opinion they were no less justified by reason
than confirmed by prescription. Common sense seemed
to dictate the propriety of rendering partial benefit sub-
servient to general good; and as in the hour of their dis-
ress the dependencies constantly applied to the mother
country for protection as a right, the mother country, of
consequence, judged herself entitled to a reciprocal right
of demanding their dutiful obedience to her government.
This obedience she expected particularly from the Ame-
rican colonies, because the Americans were wholly the
creatures of her own formation, owed their entire being
to her indulgence, and possessed no one immunity that
did not evidently flow from the spontaneous source of
her immediate beneficence.
While the people of England mention this they are
reduced to the disagreeable necessity of refuting a very
favourite prejudice which has been eagerly inculcated
beyond the Atlantic, relative to the prodigious patriotism
Column 2
of the original settlers in the colonies; they therefore
take leave to observe, as the present descendants of these
settlers talk very loudly about the virtue of their ancestors
in seeking for liberty through the immense wilds of the
western world, that very little praise is due to them upon
this account. The western world was not acquired by
their spirit, but given to their timidity, in the moment
of peril, when they basely fled from the cause of freedom,
and left the intrepid sons of genuine independency to
oppose the inroads of tyranny; they then sought a refuge
in the English dominions of America, against that op-
pression which they had not courage enough to resist at
home. The mother country, like a true parent forgot
their faults, and tenderly administered to their necessities;
she gave them lands to cultivate, she protected them
against all their enemies, and no sooner was her own
constitution restored than she granted them every privi-
lege which she herself enjoyed, as far as the local cir-
cumstances of both could give the enjoyment possibility.
From this simple state of things, the people of Eng-
land are convinced that the original settlers in America
were rather the obliged than the obliging, and that their
migration proceeded much less from a love of true liber-
ty than an abject dread of being oppressed, they were
willing to possess freedom, but they would not fight for
it. An effort of this active patriotism was lest entirely
for those whom they deserted, though so much is now
said of their public spirit; and their descendants are very
willing to inherit all the blessings they derived from the
goodness of their mother country, though they think it
an intolerable severity to pay a proper submission to her
laws.
The people of England, in vindication of their own
conduct, find it further necessary to observe, that the
argument of charters, which the colonies make use of in
their claim to an exemption from parliamentary jurisdicti-
on, is by no means conclusive on the present subject. The
crown has no right to make any grant prejudicial to the
interests of parliament; the power of the parliament is
the power of the people; and the crown was even taken
away at the revolution from the reigning prince because
he exercised an authority repugnant to the welfare of the
kingdom. There is in this place ample room to animad-
vert upon the gratitude of the colonies in wishing for
privileges evidently injurious to their benefactors. There
is also a copious opportunity of commenting upon the pa-
triotism of America in thus endeavouring to render the
prerogative of the crown superior to the legal ordinances
of parliament. But the poople of England will neither
enter into animadversions nor into comments that must
be disagreeable. They will only remark, that it is much
safer for the Americans to be subjects to the kingdom than
to the kind of Great Britain; and that if the throne is
once allowed a privilege of governing in the mother
country, contrary to the established principles of Law,
it will very speedily contend for the same privilege in the
provinces of America.
The people of England now proceed to the chief com-
plaint of the colonies, the want of representatives in the
parliament of Great Britain, and confess they hear it
with some degree of astonishment, as the colonies
themselves declare a representation utterly impossible. If
granting them a proportionable number of representatives
in the legislature was practicable
from considerations of locality; or if they had applied
for a right of sending members to deliberate on the laws
which they oppose, and were refused, then, indeed, they
would have reason to find fault; but when they have
never once desired to be represented, nay, when they
peremptorily pronounce on the total impossibility of the
circumstance, the people of England think it rather severe
to have that urged against them as a crime, which is
really their misfortune, and think if severer still to find
their justice continually impeached, for the purpose of
resisting their constitutional authority. If a discretionary
power is any where to be lodged in the present dispute,
the people of England are humbly of opinion that the
Americans may as well rely upon the tenderness of the
mother country, as the mother country depend upon the
gratitude of the Americans.
If the power of taxing the one at will is dangerous in
the hands of the other, is not the power of disobeying
laws at will to the full as dangerous in the hands of the
colonies? The moderation of the parent is surely equal
to the duty of the child; and surely as a concession must
be made either by the former or the latter, the concession
will be least disgraceful on the part of the daughter.
In this opinion the people of England are the more
grounded, because the Americans complain only partial-
ly of wanting representatives in the British parliament;
they acknowledge that the laws with Great Britain as
instituted for the regulation of their trade are perfectly
legal, though they were no more represented in the for-
mation of these laws than in the acts which lay an imme-
diate tax upon their property.
It will not consequently be so mighty a derogation
from their dignity, if they acknowledged the right of that
power to levy a trifling duty upon their wealth, which
they allow to prescribe limits in the acquisition of their
whole fortunes. On the contrary, men of sense must
wonder to hear the Americans gravely establishing a dis
tinction between internal and external taxation; to hear
them declaring all ordinances unjust with regard to their
interest, in which they have not concurred, and yet to
hear them at the same time confessing that the chief, by
which they can be affected, are unquestionably equitable
without their concurrence.
(We cannot possibly insert the whole of this piece at present;
the next paper shall contain the remainder.)
The following letter is supposed to be written by the famous
Edmund Burke, of the house of commons.
From the MORNING CHRONICLE.
To the Right Honourable Lord NORTH.
My LORD,
AS questions of the highest national importance are
now to be decided, and as measures pregnant with
danger and ruin are meditated, permit an American to
relate a few historical facts, which merit you most seri-
ous attention. This is propably the only address you
will receive on behalf of the colonies; when friends, con-
vinced of the efficacy of reason or truth in the present
conceit, have resolved to leave the British government to
Column 3
gain wisdom by the more certain, but expensive means,
unhappy experience; concluding, that the consequence,
which must result from one hostile effort against America,
will produce more conviction than volumes of argument.
But as the public papers have been from some weeks a-
bandoned to those incendiaries who wish to spread carnage
and devastation through America, I shall make one sol-
litary attempt to frustrate their hopes, and vindicate the
claims of the colonies.
At the discovery of America, no person imagined any
part of that continent to be within the realm of England,
which was circumscribed within certain known and esta-
blished limits. Whatever was the title of the kings of
England at that time, to any share of America, it must
have been an acquired title; and the sovereign, then had,
and still has, an undoubted prerogative right, to alienate
for ever from the realm without consent of parliament,
any acquisition of foreign territory. This right has been
constantly exercised by the kings of England at almost
every treaty of peace, and at the sale of Dunkirk, &c.
and it was particularly manifested by the act for annexing
Gibraltar to the realm. Conformable to this prerogative
right, king James I, and Charles I. did alienate unto
certain persons, large territories in America, and by the
most solemn compacts, did form them into separate civil
states, with all the powers of distinct legislation and go-
vernment; particularly those of making peace and war,
coining money, pardoning crimes, conferring titles and
dignities, erecting and incorporating boroughs and cities,
establishing ports, harbours, &c. with a grant and release
of all subsidies and customs, to be levied within the same,
and an express exemption form foreign taxation. This is
evident from the most antient charters of Virginia and
Massachusetts Bay, but especially from that of Maryland,
which I have particularly stated in another performance.
From these charters it manifestly appears to have been
the royal intention to form these colonies into distinct
states (like Jersey, Guernsey, Isle of Man, &c.) dependent
on the crown, but not on the parliament of England;
and conformable to this intention, we find that when a
bill was several times brought into the house of com-
mons, to secure the people of England a liberty of fishing
on the coasts of America, messages were sent to the com-
mons by those monarchs, requiring them to proceed no
farther in the matter, and alleging that “America was
without the realm and jurisdiction of parliament;” and on
this principle the royal assent was withheld, during all
those reigns, from every bill affecting the colonies.
These and other facts which appear on the journals of
parliament, joined to the charters of the colonies, fully
demonstrate that they were really and intentionally cre-
ated distinct states, and exempted from the authority of
parliament. And their inhabitants having on the faith
of such fundamental terms and conditions, accepted,
cultivated, and improved the territories thus granted,
have an indefeasible right to maintain and enjoy the
privileges so acquired; and nothing can annex them to the
realms, or subject them to its legislature.
The right of the crown to alienate the soil of the colo-
nies, has not been disputed; but the right of exempting
their inhabitants from the jurisdiction of parliament, has
been denied without cause. Allegiance and subjection are
due from a people to their sovereign; but the alle-
giance of subjects to subjects, is an absurdity unknown
to the laws of this kingdom. The freedom of Britons
consists in this, that they participate the power of making
those laws by which they are governed; and wherever
this freedom is enjoyed, the legislative power must ne-
cessarily be confined to those who partake of it, either in
person or delegation; so long as the people of America
resided within the realm, shared in its government, and
were protected by it, so long they were necessarily bound
to obey, and support that government; but when, by
the consent of their sovereign, they migrated to Ireland
and American, though they continued within the kings’s
allegiance, yet ceasing to participate or enjoy the legis-
lative power of this realm, the operation of that power
over them necessarily terminated; and nothing more was
necessary to imancipate the people of America from the
authority of parliament, than to permit them to leave
the realm; which nobody will deny the king’s right of
doing; and should the people of England, by their dele-
gates, continue to exercise the powers of legislation and
taxation upon the colonists, after such separation from
the realm, they must exalt themselves to the sovereignty
of America, and render the inhabitants of that country,
the subjectsof subjects; a condition more humiliating than
those of the Spartan Helotes; for if a people be subject to
any supreme power, in which they have no participation,
whether it be legal in a single person, or in thousands,
the power isdespotism, and the subjects of it are slaves
After the death of King Charles the First, the com-
monwealth parliament which usurped the rights of the
crown, naturally concluded, that by those rights they
had acquired some kind of supremacy over the colonies
of America; the people of New England had indeed ap-
proved their proceedings, and were therefore left without
any exercise of such supremacy by the commonwealth
parliament; but Virginia, and other places, having held
out for the king, were reduced by force; and the condi-
tions on which they submitted, clearly discover that the
supremacy, claimed by this parliament, was no more
than nominal<.p>
The articles of the treaty were as follow:
”I. The plantation of Virginia, and all the inhabitants
thereof, shall be and remain in cue subjection to the com-
monwealth of England; not as a conquered country, but
as a country submitting by their own voluntary act; and
shall enjoy such freedoms and privileges as belong to the
free people of England.
”II. The general assembly as formerly shall convene
and transact the affairs of the colony.
”III. The people of Virginia shall have a free trade
as the people of England, to all places, and all nations.
”IV. Virginia shall be free from all taxes, customs,
and impositions whatsoever, and none shall be imposed
on them, without the consent of their general assembly;
and that neither forts nor castles shall be erected, nor
garrisons maintained, without their consent.”
From hence your lordship may discover, that the
rights of the colonies, in those early days, were acknow-
ledged; and that even those who had brought a monarch
Page 4
Column 1
to the scaffold had the moderation and justice to repect
and preserve those rights. Nor did the Virginians esteem
the privileges granted by this treaty as any valuable ac-
qusition; for (considering themselves as a distinct state)
they in Janurary 1659, invested Sir William Berkley
with the government, and proclaimed Charles the second
king of England, Scotland, France, Ireland, and Vir-
ginia, some time before his restoration to England.
After the restoration, the act of navigation, and that
of the 15th of Charles II. were passed; but these I have
fully considered in another place; as also that of the 25th
of the same reign, which for the regulation of commerce
(as the preamble expresses)first laid duties on certain ar-
ticles in the colonies. This, however, was held to be
such an infringement of their rights, that a general re-
volution ensued in Virginia, and the king’s governor was
deposed; and when after Bacon’s death, this insurrection
subsided, agents were sent to England, to remonstrate
”against taxes and impositions being laid on the colony
by any authority but that of the general assembly.” And
this monstrance produced a declaration from the king,
under the privy seal, dated the 19th of April, 1676, de-
claring, “that taxes ought to be laid upon the pro-
prietors and inhabitants of the colony, but by the com-
mon content of the general assembly, except such impo-
sitions as the parliament should lay on the commodities
imported into England from the colony.” And though
the duties which had given rife to this remonstrance and
declaration were not wholly repealed until some time
after, yet when a supply was wanted for the support of
government in Virginia, the king, in 1679, framed (in
England) an act for the purpose and sent it thither by
Lord Colepepper, when it was passed into a law, and
with the consent of the general assembly of the colony of
Virginia, &c.” Here we see the sovereign naming him-
self as a part of the legislature of that province, and
thereby manifesting that he considered it as a supreme
legislature. For if the colonies be a part of the realm it is
a violation of the great charter of king John, and the
bill and declaration of rights, for the king personally, or
his governors, to join any other assembly than the
parliament, in any act for raising money from them;
it is to subject them to complex taxations, which are re-
pugnant to the British constitution.
In 1691, when the new charter of Massachusetts Bay
was granted by king William, the agents thought it not
adequate to the defects and expectations of the province,
and were unwilling to accept it. This, however the
majority of them, after consulting the most able lawyers,
resolved to do, and in justification of their conduct, sub-
cribbed an instrument containing the reasons of it. The
last article of which will shew the idea then entertained
of the fights of that province: :The colony (say these
gentlemen) is now made a province, and the general
court has, with the king’s approbation, as much power
in New England as the king and parliament have in
England. They have all English privileges and liber-
ties, and can be touched byno law and by no tax, but
of their own making.” Nor had the people of New
England any reason to alter this opinion of their rights
until since the conclusion of the last war; no imposition
upon them having in that long interval been attempted
by parliamentary authority. There are many other facts
which might be adduced to the same purport; but these
will suffice to shew that the claim of the colonies to the
privileges of distinct legislation and government, and to
an exemption form parliamentary taxation, are not new,
as some have ignorantly or wickedly pretended. They
will also shew, that from the earliest years of their settle-
ment the rights of the colonies have been known, and
with but little variation have been acknowledged, respect-
ed, and maintained, even by the legislature of this coun-
try; and the few instances as usurpations of the strong
against the weak; and “quod ab initio injustum est, nullum
potest habere juris effectum.” Grotius. There are other
gorunds, however, on which the adversaries of the colo-
nies have chosen to manage this contest; and upon these
grounds, I shall meet then in my next. I am, my lord,
your’s, &c. E. B.
Mrs. RIND,
BY inserting the following proposals, for the conside-
ration of the house of burgesses, in your useful
paper, you will oblige a great number of your readers.
1. That it be enacted, that the vestries of every parish
be elected, by their parishioners respectively, every ten,
twelve, or fourteen years, which will effectually remedy
the many and various impositions, and illegal and arbi-
trary measures, that are so frequently and justly com-
plained of; it will quiet and ease the minds of numbers
of the parishioners will prevent the frequent applications
to the assembly for redress, and will thereby save a great
deal of time and expence.
2. That for the dispatch of business in the county
courts, and a more effectual method of coming at justice,
it be enacted, *that the courts in every county respective-
ly, or a majority of them, be empowered, on some court
day annually, to nominate and appoint twenty four days
of the fittest and ablest men of their county (not being
of the bench, nor of the bar) to serve as jurymen for the
year ensuing, twelve of whom to attend and serve, if
required, every court day, either alternately or indiscri-
minutely, or the whole twentyfour, when so many of the
causes are ready for trial as to require two juries in one
day, the said jurymen to be subjected t a fine or penalty
for nonattendance, or refusing to serve when required,
unless in cases of sickness or disability, or other reason-
able excuse, be offered to the satisfaction of the court;
and when a sufficient number of the said jurymen be not
present, that then the sheriff to summon enough of the
bystanders to make up the deficiency; that they or such
of them as serve, shall be paid, bu the party cast, some
moderate fee, just enough to defray their reasonable ex-
Column 2
pences. Moreover, that whenever there are to be any
new magistrates added to the commission of the peace,
the court shall nominate, for that purpose, some of the
said jurymen who have served the most constantly and
diligently, and none else. This may encourage the ju-
rymen to inform themselves with the laws of their coun-
try, and instill in them a better notion of equity.
By this, or some such law, the present evil of weak
juries will be removed, the causes will be determined
with much more dispatch and justice, and in time our
benches will be filled with abler magistrates.
Mrs. Rind,
The enclosed was intended for your last paper, but by
some accident miscarried. Your publication of it this
week will oblige A CUSTOMER.
ON Monday the 2d of May was celebrated in Norfolk
the anniversary of Saint TAMMINY, the tutelar
saint of the American colonies. At one o’clock a royal
salute of twenty guns from a battery erected for the
purpose, ushered in the rejoicings of the day, and in the
evening a grand entertainment was given at the Mason’s
Hall by the sons of the saint, to which there was a gene-
ral invitation, and the company exceedingly numerous
and brilliant, consisting of near 400 persons. At six, the
ball was opened by one of our worthy burgesses, in the
character of King TAMMINY, properly accoutred in
the antient habit of this country, at which time another
royal salute was given. The ladies, whose fair bosoms
on this occasion seemed more particularly animated with
a generous love of their country, indulged the compa-
ny with their presence till four in the morning; and after
their retirement, the sons of Saint TAMMINY, accord-
ing to the immemorial custom of these countries, encir-
cled their king, and practiced the antient mysterious war
dance, so highly descriptive of the warmest attachment
and freedom of spirit. The whole was conducted with
the strictest decorum, and to the universal satisfaction of
the assembly; while the cordiality with which the sons
of the brother saints, Dt. George, St. Andrew, St. Patrick,
and St. David, entered into the general mirth of the
evening, gave particular pleasure, and was truly emble-
matical of that happy union which has long subsisted
between the parent state and her colonies, while Britain
was just, and America was free, and which every lover
of his country would wish should still subsist for ages yet
to come.
But should corruption, with despotic rage,
Seize the strong pillars that support the state,
Strain ev’ry nerve to pull destruction down,
To blend in ruins freedom and her sons,
And crush our growing empire in its youth,
Then let us rouze submission from her knees,
And stand like heroes firm in its defence;
Then let one spirit of a BRUTUS reign,
And martial sounds be music to each ear;
While some great prince of BRUNSWICK’S glorious line
Ranks our wide armies, and inspires to war.
Thus shall we see and triumph in the fight,
While malice frets, and fumes, and gnaws her chains.
AMERICA shall blast her fiercest foes,
Shall brave the dismal shocks of bloody war,
And in unrivall’d pomp resplendent rife,
And shine sole empress of the western world!
DUTCH FANS,
FOR cleaning wheat or any other kind of grain, are
made and sold by ADAM EKART, in Market street,
Philadelphia. Likewise rolling screens, sieves for sifting
iron ore, &c. warranted of the best make; also all sorts of
wire work, for cleaning wheat, barley, rye, flax seed,
Indian corn, oats, or any other kind of grain, and wire
short-cloths for millers. The same to be had of captain
Matthew Phripp, in Norfolk.
CARRIAGES of various sorts and prices to be sold by
ELKANAH DEANE, coachmaker, at his shop in
Palace street, Williamsburg, who makes all kinds of
coaches, chariots, postchairs, phaetons, curricles, chairs,
and chaises, with harness of every sort. Carriages of
every kind are repaired, painted, gilded, and japanned,
in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms,
for cash. Gentlemen or ladies residing in the country,
by sending their commands to said Deane, may depend
on being well used, and their commands executed with
the greatest care and dispatch. He returns his unfeigned
thanks to those gentlemen and ladies who have favoured
him with their custom, and it determined to make it his
study to please all who are kind enough to employ him.
----Being in want of a few more JOURNEYMEN, he
will give the following prices, provided they are good
hands: For every chair body, single or double, according
to my directions, I will give four pounds, for every chair
carriage eighteen shillings, for every pair of wheels 22
shillings, and so in proportion for all other work, I
would willingly take two or three apprentices who have
been genteelly brought up, and tolerably educated; no
others need apply.---Said Deane has some choice brandy,
gin, rum, and several kind of cordials; such as anniseed
water, orange ditto, clove ditto, allfours, cherry brandy,
and raspberry ditto; all which he will dispose of on rea-
sonable terms, for cash, to those who will take a quanitity
THE subscriber, of Sussex county, being under the
disagreeable necessity of taking this method of
acquainting the public that his wife Sarah Northington
has left his bed and board, therefore forewarns all per-
sons from trusting her on his account, as he will pay no
debts of her contracting.
May 5, 1774. SAMUEL NORTHINGTON.
Column 3
JUST arrived in York river, the Brilliant, Captain
Miller, from London, with a choice healthy indented
SERVANTS, the sale of which will begin at Richmond
town on Wednesday the 25th of May; among which
are the following tradesmen, viz. blacksmiths, brasiers,
edgetool makers, bricklayers, shoemakers,
stone masons, carpenters, joiners, and cabinetmakers,
cloth weavers, stocking weavers, barbers and peruke-
makers, gardeners, farmers, labourers and husbandmen,
book-keepers and schoolmasters, tailors, silkdyers, bakers,
painters, leatherdressers, sawyers, butchers, a steward,
groom, surgeon, &c. I will sell them very cheap, for
ready money, or tobacco; and for those on credit, bond
and security will be required.
THOMAS SMITH.
To be SOLD, on the 6th day of June, at the late
dwellinghouse of Mr. Robinson Daingerfield, deceased,
in King & Queen county,
ALL the household and kitchen furniture, most of
which are very good, a parcel of good books, a
large and small microscope, and a perspective glass, with
views. Twelve months credit will be given for all sums
above forty shillings, on giving bond, with good securi-
ty; those bonds that are not paid off at the day to carry
interest from the date.
THOMAS LOWRY,
2* W. DAINGERFIELD, administrators.
I HAVE for sale 481 acres of land adjoining the lands
of James Bates, deceased, on Skiminoe creek, in York
county. The land is very convenient to Williamsburg,
to three parish churches, quakers meetinghouse, several
gristmills, two warehouses, and a navigable landing.
It is well timbered with oak suitable for framing, scant-
ling, fire wood, and fencing. This land joins Fleming
Bates, who will shew the same to any person inclinable
to purchase; and I do authorize th said Fleming Bates
to sell the same, and will abide by whatever agreement
he may make. ‘ 2* JOHN BATES.
STRAYED, or stolen, from the subscriber, in Wil-
liamsburg, on Sunday the 1st of May, a white mare,
about 13 hands one or two inches high, with a hanging
mane and tail, paces and gallops, one of her hips rather
higher than the other. I bought her of one William
Archer from Louisa county. I do not recollect that
she has any brand. Whoever brings the said mare to me
shall be well rewarded for their trouble, and all reason-
able charges paid. JOHN HOLT.
GEORGE the third, by the grace of God, of Great
Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of
the faith, &c. To the sheriff of Hampshire county,
greeting: We command you that you summon Charles
Lynch to appear before the justices of our said county
court of chancery on the second Tuesday of next month,
to answer a bill in chancery, exhibited against him and
Abraham Hite, gentlemen, by Matthew Bush, of the city
of Philadelphia, and province of Pennsylvania; and this
he shall in no wise omit, under the penalty of 100l. and
have then there this writ. Witness Gabriel Jones, clerk
of our said court, this 14th day of April, in the 14th year
of our reign. 3 GABRIEL JONES.
COMMITTED to Gloucester goal, the 13th of this
instant (May) a negro man who calls himself by the
name of William, and says he belongs to Pater Funnell,
of New England, and has been absent from thence ten
years; he is about 35 years of age, about 5 feet 10
inches high, speaks a little broken, much pockpitted, and
has a very particular scar on his nose. His says he has sailed
to many parts of Europe and America. His master may
have him on proving his property, and paying charges.
WILLIAM SMITH, gaoler.
COMMITTED to the goal of Northumberland, on
the 2d of May, a negro man who calls himself
Charles, and says he belongs to Mr. John Booth, in
Amelia. He was purchased by Samuel Griffin of John
Blackwell’s estate. He is a well set fellow, and about 25
years old. The owner is desired to apply for him.
3+ JOHN CRAIN, gaolor.
TAKEN up in Buckingham, six hogs, three of
which are barrows, with bob tails, the others are
sows; they are all black and white, with a crop and two
slits in the right ear, and half the under part of the left
taken off, in the manner of a fox’s ear; they are all about
one year old. Poster, and appraised to 2l. 5s.
+SETH CASON.
TAKEN up, in Culpeper, a black horse about 4
feet 8 or 9 inches high, about 7 years old; has a
small star in his forehead, and branded on the near shoul-
der and buttock P. Poster, and appraised to 17l.<be
TAKEN up, in Culpeper, a black cow and calf,
the cow marked with a small crop in each ear, and
then slip down and cut out. Likewise a red brindled
heifer, about 2 or 3 ears old, marked with an underkeel
in the left ear, and swallowfork in the right. The Cow
and calf are appraised to 4l. and the heifer to 1l. 10s.
+JAMES SLAUGHTER, jun.
TAKEN up, in Loudoun, near West’s tavern, a
small light brindle cow, appears to be 9 or 10
years old, has a white face, and some white under her
belly, has on a middle sized bell, tied with a rope,
marked on the right ear, with a crop, slit, and swallow-
fork in the left. Posted, and appraised to 2l.5s.
+ JOHN TAYLOR.
TAKEN up, in Amherst, a black mare, 4 feet 5
inches high, 13 or 15 years old, with a white spot
on her right buttock, a star in her forehead, and brand-
ed on the near buttock with 3 dots; she had on a bell,
Posted, and appraised to 6l.
§WILLIAM LAVENDER.
TAKEN up, in Lunenburg, a bay horse, about 9 or
10 years old, 4 feet 6 inches high, has some saddle
spots, and branded on the off buttock and shoulder HC.
Poster, and appraised to 10l.
RICHARD STONE, senior.
TAKEN up, in Dunmore, a dark bay mare, about
4 feet 6 inches high, branded on the bear buttock
HF, has a star in her forehead, newly shod before, with
a bell on, and paces naturally. Posted and appraised
to 8l.*LAWRENCE SNAPP.
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