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much beyond their ability, that the parliament of Great Britain thought
it but just to repay them what they had actually contributed more than
their proportion. Have they ever since been asked to contribute, and
refused? Why then distrust them now? Or why run the risk of destroying
the goose to get at that wealth which will be at the service of their sove-
reign whenever he asks for it in the usual way? But it is objected, that
the last war was undertaken solely on account of America, and therefore
she was more materially interested in its success than any of the inhabi-
tants of Britain. The event has proved the very reverse. Each colony,
possessed of more lands than their inhabitants could cultivate, were really
prejudiced by Great Britain's extending her dominions in America.
Their lands fell immediately 50 per cent. in their value by the emigration
of their inhabitants to the new conquered colonies, the manufactures
from Britain came much higher than formerly, by the great demand for
them to supply their new acquired subjects, their exports to Britain were
reduced in their price, on account of the additional ones from the new
dominions, and, to crown all, the British aristocracy, having no longer
a foreign rival to fear in America to check their aspiring views, employed
their victorious arms to destroy the rights of those subjects who had assist-
ed them in obtaining the victories which now enable them to attempt
to enslave you, with even a shadow of success. But if custom hath so
far habituated you to their unjust laws that you are willing, for the sake
of peace, to meet your mother country more than half way, upon her
agreeing to repel those acts, together with every precedent of legislation,
do you, on your parts, agree to secure the trade of the colonies to Great
Britain, by re-enacting the laws of navigation, in your own respective
assemblies, which when they have obtained the royal assent, will be
eternally binding on you? But never content to submit to those laws, as
the acts of a British parliament. it is objected, that the third plan pro-
posed is too violent and illegal to be adopted: let us consider whether
it is so; and here permit me to make a few distinctions, which are sup-
ported by those laws of England, which our ancestors, when they, with
the leave of their sovereign, settled America, imported with them.

When a judge pronounces an erroneous judgement, in a cause properly within
his jurisdiction, he is not answerable as a criminal for such an error in
judgement, because no man is infallible, and corruption is not to be presumed.
The judgement so pronounced by him, though erroneous, is not absolutely void,
but avoidable, and till it is regularly revisited by a Superior court of judicature,
it is to be considered as a judgement, may as such be enforced, and cannot be
legally resisted.

If a judge pronounces judgement in a cause in which he has no jurisdiction,
or if a man constitutes himself a judge, or is by others, who have no right to
do so, illegally constituted a judge, and as such presumes to enforce such
usurped jurisdiction, even though the judgement is a just one, he is answerable
for the consequences. the judgement thus pronounced by him, though a just
one, is absolutely void, and as such may be legally resisted; the judge, and
every person concerned in endeavouring to enforce such a judgement, are tres-
passers, and if any person should be killed in resisting such judgement, the
judge who pronounced the sentence, if present at the execution, and all his
assistants, are answerable for the murder.

The courts of admiralty, at the time our ancestors settled America, had no
jurisdiction of any offence committed in any river or bay where the land could
be seen across from one side to the other; and if they presumed to usurp such
jurisdiction, by seizing any vessel in such places, they, and all acting under
them, were trespassers, their judgements were absolutely void, and, by the
statue of 2 Henry 4, chap, 11, they were liable for double damages.

The king cannot create any new offence which was not so at the common law,
or alter the mode of trial of those already created in Britain, without the con-
sent of his British parliament, or, in other words, without the consent of the
representatives of the people, who are to be judged for such offences, and
affected by such trials; and if he should, such trials would be illegal, the
judgements absolutely void, the persons injured by them may not only maintain
an action against, and indict as trespassers, the persons who attempt to enfore
such illegal and void judgements, but may resist them by force, and if in such
resistance they kill the trespassers, it will not be murder, because, say the
books, the persons slain were trespassers, covering their violence with a show
of justice; he who kills them is indulged by the law, and those who engage
in such unlawful actions must abide by the event, at their peril.

For authorities in support of the doctrines I have thus laid down, I
refer my reader to 10 Co. Rep. 76 and 77. 1 Salk. 201. 2 Mod. 30,
196. Rolls. Abr. Tit. Escape, 809. pl. 45. Cro. James, 314, Cro.
Car. 395, 2 Sid. 125, 1 Lev. 95. Hob. 267, Holt Rep. 186, 1 Hawk.
pl. cr. chap. 28, sect. 5 and 6, chap. 29, sect. 8, chap. 31. sect. 46,
chap. 32, sect. 54, 57, 58, 59, and 60, 2 Hawk. Pl. Cr. chap. 50,
sect. 3, 4, Inst. 87, 97, 98, 121, 134, to 142, 213, and 248; and a
great multitude of precedents in those books referred to. From these
doctrines and authorities I draw the following inferences.

First, that the jurisdiction exercised by the courts of admiralty in the bays
and rivers in American being given, the very offenses of which they take
cognizance being created, and the modes of trial being altered from the
common law, since the settlement of the colonies by the British parliament,
in which the inhabitants of the colonies are not represented, the judg
ments given by those courts are absolutely void, that the persons injured
by them have a right to recover double damages of, and to indict the
persons who enforce them, and to resist them with force, and if in such
resistance the trespassers are killed, it will not be murder; but, on the
other hand, if the persons resisting are killed, all actually present in
countenancing and enforcing such judgements will be guilty of murder.

Secondly, that as acts of the British parliament, made since the settle-
ment of America (in which the inhabitants of America neither are or
can be represented) cannot be binding upon the Americans, who had no
share in framing them, the subject matter of such acts of parliament can
never come within the jurisdiction of any court of judicature in America,
and consequently any judgement given by an American court of judicature,
to enforce such acts of parliament, are absolutely void, and may be le-
gally resisted.

Thus, my countrymen, the dispute finally terminates in this single
question: Whether the British parliament, in which you are not repre-
sented, have a right to make laws to bind you, or not? If they have,
all opposition is illegal; but if they have not, you may, without in-
fringing the laws of your country, declare that you will not submit to
any act of parliament made since your ancestors, with the leave of their
sovereign, settled in America, and determine to punish any judge who
shall dare to enforce such; for the man who as a judge usurps a jurisdicti-
on he has not right to, and under colour of a law, no way obligatory on
you, attempts to wrest your property from you, is to be considered as a
plunderer and robber, and you have as good a right to repel by force the
baliff who, by virtue of an execution against your estate, attempts to
imprison your person, or the Gascon who would enforce an edict of the
French parliament. A just apprehension of personal danger, and the
dread of immediate punishment, acts so powerfully upon the human
mind, that I can readily imagine a regard for their personal safety would
induce, and a dread of danger would intimidate, all the judges in the
colonies from enforcing acts of parliament, which no judge would
dare to enforce obedience to, could never injure you. But if, contrary
to expectation, the judges should still presume to proceed, I would not
advise you to confine yourselves to resolutions only, or even to a bare
resistence of the execution of their judgements, but by pursuing active
measures, convince them you are in earnest, and make examples of the
offending judges. Be not alarmed, my countrymen, it is not my inten-

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tion to advise you to proceed to extremities, and hand up these judges
at once; for if the laws of your country can be duly enforced, the au-
thorities I have cited prove that private actions, brought by the parties
injured, the presentment of grand, and the verdicts of petit juries, will
be amply sufficient to enable you to punish legally any judge, who, by
arrogating to himself an illegal jurisdiction, shall presume to invade him-
self, or instigate others to invade, the property, restrain the liberty, or
destroy the lives, of his fellow subjects. It is objected, that administra
tion will exert its influence over all your courts of justice, to stifle such
suits and prosecutions, or, at least, to prevent them from being carried
into execution: To this I answer, that when violent and unconstituti-
only measures are taken, to overturn the laws of, or to impede, the
course of justice in any country, the first law of nature gives the people
a right of preserving the one, and of enforcing the other; therefore, if
your natural and political liberty should be thus trampled on, and your
property should be thus illegally invaded, you will be strictly justifiable
in recurring to force, and in proceeding to the last extreme; and to sa-
crifice to your just resentment three or four, or even three or four dozen,
unconstitutional or corrupt judges in each colony, will be a more mode-
rate measure than that of entering into associations to starve 20,000 of
your innocent manufacturing fellow subjects in Britain, or that of break-
ing off all connections with the mother country, and by that means re-
ducing yourselves to the necessity of slaughtering some thousands of the
British soldiers, or of exposing the lives of all America in a bad cause;
for such it would be esteemed if you act dishonourably in withholding
their debts from your creditors. Upon the whole, my advice to you,
my countrymen, is, that you send deputies from every colony in Ame-
rica to form a general congress.* Let them be instructed to enter into
the firmest resolutions of not submitting to any acts of the British parlia-
ment, made since the 4th of James the 1st (when your ancestors, with
the leave of their sovereign, made the first effectual settlement in Ame
rica, and by doing so, could be no longer subject to the legislation of a
British parliament, in which they could not be represented) and of pu-
nishing any person who shall presume, for the future, to enforce such
acts of parliament in America. Let them draw up and transmit to
England, an address to your gracious sovereign, expressive of the most
affectionate loyalty to his person, of their readiness to grant him supplies
for the benefit of the whole empire, to the utmost of their abilities,
whenever he shall request it of his respective American assemblies; but
assuring him of their determined resolution to sacrifice their lives, and
every thing that is valuable to them, rather than submit to the legisla-
tion of a British parliament; and that as no evil can be so dreadful to
them, as a humiliating subjection to their fellow subjects the lords and
commons of England, that if his majesty, deaf to these their reiterated
complaints, should persist in permitting such acts of parliament to be
enforced in America, his subjects of that great continent, though struck
with horror at the idea of disloyalty to his sacred person, are, though
reluctantly, firmly determined to break off all connections with Great
Britain, and trust to that God who hath told them that the race is not
always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, to support their en-
deavours in preserving that liberty they received from their British an-
cestors. It is objected, that though this plan may be of service to the
other colonies, it will administer no relief to the town of Boston, who
is now suffering in the common cause: To this I answer, that a parti-
cular emergency requires a special remedy. So far as relates to the re-
moval of the seat of government, I think resistence would be illegal, it
being the undounted perogative of the crown to fix, or to remove, the
seat of government of any particular colony, to whatever place the king
pleases within that colony; and though this prerogative may be exercised
oppressively, still the subject must submit. He may petition, but ma-
jesty only can redress the grievance.

But the stopping up the port of Boston, and prohibiting the owners
from using their own wharfs, under colour of acts of parliament, which
the inhabitants, or their representatives, had no share in framing, is
such an illegal stretch of power, such a despotic invasion of property,
that may be legally resisted, and ought not to be submitted to; indeed,
I look upon it as little less than a declaration of war, which would justify
all America in running immediately to arms, to repel so horrible an at-
tack upon their liberties, But still, my countrymen, I would wish to
see you adopt constitutional measures of redress. Let subscriptions be
opened in every town and county on the continent of America, to supply
the inhabitants of the town of Boston liberally with every necessary. Let
every supply of fresh provisions and other necessaries be withheld from the
navy and army employed in the detestable service of endeavouring to en-
slave their brethren and fellow subjects. Let every colony in particular,
and all America in general congress, protect against the illegality of the
measures, and resolve to support every person who shall infringe or oppose
it. Let vessels attempt to go in and out of the port of Boston as usual, as
if no such act of parliament existed. If the ships of war should seize
them, or the soldiers obstruct any man in the use of his wharf, prosecute
in the courts of law every officer, either of the army or navy, for acting
so illegally, and every judge who shall presume to condemn the vessels
seized; let the expense of such prosecutions be defrayed, and the losses
of private men made good, by the general contributions of all America.
If any violent measures are taken by the tools of the British aristocracy,
to impede the course of justice, recur to the first law of nature, and repel
the aggressors; and though the inhabitants of New England are suffici-
ently numerous to repel any illegal force which can be raised upon such an
occasion, yet in order to make it one general act of all America, let each
colony send a quota of men to perform this service, and let the respective
quotas be settled in the general congress.

These measures will, in my opinion, be the most moderate, the most
constitutional, and the most effectual, you can pursue, and will, I doubt
not, add such weight to your address to the throne, that the British
aristocracy, convinced that you are in earnest, will listen to reasonable
terms of accommodation, and you, by preserving your own liberty, be
such a constant check to their ambitious designs, as will restrain them
within the bounds of moderation, even in Britain; and by restoring
your sovereign to his necessary weight in the national councils, prevent
Great Britain from becoming a prey to those aristocratical vultures,
which are endeavouring to destroy her very vitals. But if debased by
corruption, prostituted by venality, and lost to all sense of shame, Bri-
tain, like a contented, fond wanton, loves and caresses the ravishers who
have debauched and undone her, should attempt to sacrifice her Ameri-
can offspring to their ambition and, regardless of your complaints, de-
termine to enforce the legislation of a British parliament in America, or,
in other words, if all your efforts are ineffectual to save your mother
country, and she must sink, you must then take care not to sink with
her; but by preserving your own liberty, prepare an asylum in America
for such of the inhabitants of Britain who still desire or deserve to be free.
You must then, and not till then, break off all connections with Great
Britain; you must stop your imports and exports to and from thence; you
must banish every customhouse officer from amongst you; you must in-
vite all other nations of the world to supply you with necessaries by giving
them liberty to trade with you, duty free; you must proclaim universal
freedom throughout America; you must draw your swords in a just cause,

I would advise that Frederick town in Maryland, or Winchester in
Virginia, should be fixed upon as proper for the meeting of this congress,
as no ships of war could bombard either of those towns, and the number
of expert rifle-men in those parts would be able to prevent any unwel-
come visitors from interrupting the congress; and though it is to be
hoped that no such thing will be attempted, a different caution will do
no harm.

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and rely upon that God, who assists the righteous, to support your en-
deavours, to preserve that liberty he gave, and the love of which he hath
implanted in your hearts, as essential to your nature. But there are
measures which the British aristocracy, when they reflect upon those
consequences of a war with the colonies which I enlarged upon in a
former letter, + will never force you into. They are measures which
nothing but necessity can justify; measures too delicate to be enlarged
upon, and measures which I touch with a trembling hand, because
though they will, they must, effectually preserve the liberty of America,
they will probably occasion the destruction of Britain, and though she
hath treated us unnaturally, and, I will add, ungratefully, she is our
mother country still, and as such I would wish to preserve her.

And now, my friends, fellow citizens, and countrymen, to convince
you that I am in earnest in the advice I have given you, notwithstand-
ing the personal danger I expose myself to in so doing, notwithstanding
the threats thrown out by the British aristocracy of punishing in Eng-
land those who shall dare to oppose them in America, yet because I do
not wish to survive the liberty of my country one single moment, be-
cause I am determined to risk my all in supporting that liberty, and be-
cause I think it in some measure dishonourable to skulk under a borrowed
name, upon such an occasion as this, I am neither afraid, or ashamed,
to avow, that the letters signed by A BRITISH AMERICAN, were
written by the hand, and flowed from the heart, of
THOMAS MASON.

+ As the letter here alluded to was published many years ago, like
this, in a newspaper, and, in all human probability, hath been long con-
signed to oblivion, it may not be amiss to give the following extract from
it: "If Great Britain should ever determine to enslave America, it is
more than probable that she would have more difficulties to encounter
than she at present apprehends. Suppose the Americans, alarmed at the
approaching danger, should discreetly determine to retreat to a considerable
distance from navigation, and carry off their provisions and live stock of
every kind with them, would troops, who had been confined to a close
ship, upon salt provisions, for near three months, without fresh provi-
sions, without horses to draw their artillery, be in a very proper condition
to pursue them? If they did, would not the scurvy, the unwholesomeness
of the climate, and the many disorders incident to America, which at-
tack the Europeans with double force upon their first arrival, render the
success of such an expedition impracticable, and enable the Americans to
preserve their liberty, without imbruing their hands in blood? Is it rea
sonable to suppose that three millions of British subjects would tamely
submit to slavery, without striking a single blow? Would not their know-
ledge of the country enable them to attack with advantage? Would not
the consideration that they were fighting pro aris et focis add enthusiasm
to their courage? Inured to the climate, and well supplied with provi-
sions, would they not be better able to undergo the fatigue of such a war
than their invaders? If the British troops, with all the assistance and
supplies of necessary refreshments, which they received from their Amer-
rican friends last war, thought an American campaign the severest they
had ever experienced, which must such a campaign be without such assist-
ance and supplies? Could Great Britain spare even 50,000 men, to reduce
a people actuated with sentiments of liberty, and possessed of British free-
dom, of twenty times their number, would those troops engage with
alacrity in such a cause? Would not some murmurings of humanity
whisper to their consciences that they were butchering their fellow sub-
jects for shweing themselves worthy of the race from whence they sprung,
and for acting the same laudable part which they themselves would do
under like oppression? When the sluices of her trade were stopped, and
all communication with her colonies broke off, could she long support the
expence of such an armament? Is she well assured that the other powers
of Europe would stand idle, and calmly see her trampling upon the rights
of mankind? Would not the generous design of preventing so execrable
a purpose furnish them with a just pretext for interposing in support of
the injured rights of the colonies? And might not Britain, whilst she
was endeavouring to enforce slavery with fire and sword in America, fall
an easy prey to the first invader, and thus involve herself in the ruin she
designed for others? But suppose Britain was able to crush America with
the smallest exertion of her force, and to extirpate its present inhabitants
without losing the life of a single man sent against it, would such a con-
quest redound either to her honour or advantage? Would not the life of
every American, spent upon such an occasion, be really a loss to Britain,
by lessening the export of her manufactures, and the import of rough
materials, which furnish her with the means of extending her trade to
every corner of the globe? What mighty advantage would she reap from
an uncultivated desert? Would it be easy for her to persuade her other
subjects to supply the place of the slaughtered with such an example of
the perfidy, cruelty, and ingratitude, of their mother country, before
their eyes? Does she think that the extirpation of liberty would be a
spur to industry, or that slavery hath such charms as to contribute to the
encrease of the colonies? Should the northern endeavour to deprive the
western counties of England of their rights, and a civil war ensue, would
the conflict be advantageous even to the conquerors? These are conside-
rations which must and will have weight with the British parliament,
and restrain them from entering into a war with the colonies."

Mrs. RIND,
BY inserting the following in your useful gazette you will render a
singular service to your country, and at the same time oblige far
the greater part of this county, which you need not in the least hesitate
to do, as it contains nothing but truth and real facts, which, if denied,
will be fully proved, by numbers now living in this county, as well as by
your humble servant, VIRGINIANUS.

Princess Anne, July 13, 1774.

WHEREAS an invariable mode of partiality and arbitrary admini-
stration has been frequently planned and executed by our present county
lieutenant, to the prejudice and displeasure of this county, and to the
almost general discontent, confusion, and destruction, of our militia,
which was once remarkable for its order, regularity, and good discipline,
but is now reduced to a state of anarchy, being without leaders, without
commanders, that are capable of disciplining them; therefore, as these
are facts undeniable, and most of them recent, which plainly prove the
mischievous tendency, and dangerous consequences, which proceed from
the absolute power given by government to the lieutenant of every county
to appoint all the officers for his county at his own will and pleasure,
which power, though seldom or never was so much abused before, yet
may be productive of many precedents hereafter, if not timely prevented
(more especially at this critical and dangerous era)which can no other-
wise be done than by the legislature taking that tempting power and
authority away from the county lieutenant, and placing them in the
courts martial respectively, or the major part of them present, with the
same reason that magistrates and vestrymen are to be chosen by a ma-
jority. By such an amendment in the militia law the companies in ge-
neral will be commanded by the best officers who have the best right to suc-
ceed, both from seniority and qualification, and will not be arbitrarily
and partially given away from such, through favor or selfish views, to
raw, inexperienced upstarts, who seldom or never served in the milit1a,
and know not how to draw up a single company, nor how to exercise
them when drawn up by an experienced officer; now will the men chear-
fully or willingly serve under such whom they know to be ignorant, un-
worthy, and unfit to command; which are the real cases in this county
at present.

PROCEEDINGS OF VIRGINIA.
At a meeting of the freeholders of Hanover county, at the courthouse,
on Wednesday the 20th of July, 1774, the following ADDRESS
was agreed to.
To JOHN SYME and PATRICK HENRY, junior, esquires.
GENTLEMEN,

YOU have our thanks for your patriotic, faithful, and spirited con-
duct, in the part you acted in the late assembly, as our burgesses,
and as we are greatly alarmed at the proceedings of the British parliament,
respecting the town of Boston, and the province of Massachusetts Bay,
and as we understand a meeting of delegates from all the counties in this
colony is appointed to be in Williamsburg on the first day of next month,
to deliberate on our public affairs, we do hereby appoint you, gentlemen,
our delegates, and we do request you then and there to meet, consult,
and advise, touching such matters as are most likely to effect our deliver-
ance from the evils with which our country is threatened.

The importance of those things which will offer themselves for your
deliberation is exceeding great; and when it is considered that the effect
of the measures you may adopt will reach our latest posterity, you will
excuse us for giving you our sentiments, and pointing out some particu-
lars, proper for that plan of conduct we wish you to observe.

We are free men; we have a right to be so, and to enjoy all the pri-
vileges and immunities of our fellow subjects in England, and while we
retain a just sense of that freedom, and those rights and privileges ne-
cessary for its safety and security, we shall never give up the right of tax-
ation. Let it suffice to say, once for all, we will never be taxed but by
our own representatives; this is the great badge of freedom, and British
America hath been hitherto distinguished by it; and when we see the
British parliament trampling upon that right, and acting with determined

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resolution to destroy it, we would wish to see the united wisdom and
fortitude of American collected for its defence.

The sphere of life in which we move hath not afforded us lights suffi-
cient to determine with certainty concerning those things from which
the troubles at Boston originated. Whether the people there were war-
ranted by justice when they destroyed the tea we know not; but this we
know, that the parliament, by their proceedings, have made us and all
North America parties in the present dispute, and deeply interested in
the event of it; insomuch, that if our sister colony of Massachusetts
Bay is enslaved, we cannot long remain free.

Our minds are filled with anxiety when we view the friendly regards
of our parent state turned into enmity, and those powers of government,
formerly exerted for our aid and protection, formed into dangerous efforts
for our destruction. We read our intended doom in the Boston port bill,
in that for altering the mode of trial in criminal cases, and finally in the
bill for altering the form of government in the Massachusetts Bay.
These several acts are replete with injustice and oppression, and strongly
expressive of the future policy of Britain towards all her colonies; if a
full and uncontrouled operation is given to this detestable system, in its
earlier stages, it will probably be fixed upon us forever.

Let it, therefore, be your great object to obtain a speedy repeal of those
acts, and for this purpose we recommend the adoption of such measures as
may produce the hearty union of all our countrymen and sister colonies.
UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL:
To attain this wished for union, we declare our readiness to sacrifice any
lesser interest arising from a soil, climate, situation, or productions, pe-
culiar to us.

We judge it conducive to the interests of America that a general con-
gress of deputies from all the coloniesbeheld, in order to form a plan
for guarding the claims of the colonies, and their constitutional rights,
from future encroachment, and for the speedy relief of our suffering
brethren at Boston. For the present, we think it proper to form a ge-
neral association against the purchase of all articles of goods imported
from Great Britain, except negroes, cloaths, salt, saltpetre, powder, lead,
utensils, and implements for handycraftsmen and manufacturers, which
cannot be had in America; books, paper, and the like necessaries, and
not to purchase any goods or merchandise that shall be imported from
Great Britain after a certain day that may be agreed on for that purpose
by the said general meeting of the deputies at Williamsburg, except the ar
ticles aforesaid, or such as shall be allowed to be imported by the said
meeting, and that we will encourage the manufactures of America by
every means in our power. A regard to justice hinders us at this time
from withholding our exports; nothing but the direct necessity shall in-
duce us to adopt that proceeding, which we shall strive to avoid as long
as possible.

The African trade for slaves we consider as most dangerous to virtue and
the welfare of this country; we therefore most earnestly wish to see it
totally discouraged.

A steady loyalty to the kinds of England has ever distinguished our
country; the present state of things here, as well as the many influences
of it to be found in our history, leave no room to doubt it. God grant
we may never see the time when that loyalty shall be found incompatible
with the rights of free men. Our most ardent desire is that we, and
our latest posterity, may continue to live under the genuine, unaltered
constitution of England, and be subjects, in the true spirit of that con-
stitution, to his majesty, and his illustrious house; and may the wretches
who affirm that we desire the contrary feel the punishment due to falsehood
and villainy.

While prudence and moderation shall guide your councils, we trust,
gentlemen, that firmness, resolution, and zeal, will animate you in the
glorious struggle. The arm of power, which is now stretched forth
against us, is indeed formidable; but we do not despair. Our cause is
good; and if it is served with constancy and fidelity, it cannot fail of
success. We promise you our best support, and we will heartily join in
such measures as a majority of our countrymen shall adopt for securing
the public liberty.

Resolved, that the above address be transmitted to the printers to be
published in the gazette. WILLIAM POLLARD, Clerk.

At a meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants of the county of Stafford
the following ADDRESS was agreed to be presented.
To JOHN ALEXANDER and CHARLES CARTER, esquires.
GENTLEMEN,

YOU are chosen to convey the sentiments of the freeholders and inhabitants
of this county to a meeting of the agents from every county in the colony, to be
held in Williamsburg on the 1st day of August; permit us on the occasion to
recommend to you a conduct, decent, though spirited; animated, yet prudent.

You will declare as unanimously determined to preserve inviolate every pri-
vilege and immunity transmitted by our ancestors; that we reject, with a
disdain becoming the descendants of Englishmen, every mode of taxation, but
by our representatives; that we are united in our prayers and wishes for
a speedy restoration of that harmony which formerly subsisted between Great
Britain and her colonies. But, alas! we can but deem the prospect distant
while parliament continues her attempt to enslave us. While the port of Boston,
in our sister colony of Massachusetts Bay, is now actually blocked up with
an armed force, for having, with a becoming fortitude and resolution, with-
stood the fixture of a most unconstitutional tax, can we behold this attempt upon
Boston but as a prelude to what every other colony, as well as ourselves, are
to expect? Do not the inhabitants of that city, the first sufferers in the cause
of American liberty, demand every assistance from our united counsels and
resolutions? We approve, we willingly accede to the association of our late
assembly after their dissolution. It must affect the East India company, whose
concurrence with administration, in their attempts on our liberties, ought for-
ever to render them odious and detestable to every American. But while we
testify our approbation of these measures we declare, at the same time, that we
conceive them in our opinion to be inadequate to our purpose, and totally in-
sufficient to procure a removal of our complaints. They are not calculated to
alarm the merchant trading to America, nor will they serve to rouse the ma-
nufacturers, from whose interest, on the present occasion, to serve us. This, we
conceive, may be easily effected, by a general stoppage of all exports and im-
ports to and from Great Britain and the West India islands, an occlusion of the
courts of justice but in criminal cases, breaches of the peace, and matters of
record. These measures we request you to recommend to the meeting, as well
by your votes, as every other method in our power.

John Washington, Townshend Dade, Richard Fowke, W.G. Stuart,
William Mountjoy, Traverse Daniel, John James, Samuel Seldon, Yel-
verton Peyton, William Garrard, William Brent, Robert Stith, Thomas
Mountjoy.

Resolved, that an exemption from parliamentary taxation is the clear and
undoubted right of the American colonies; that this right hath been uniformly
claimed and allowed by the king and parliament of Great Britain from the
first settlement of America and that an attempt to deprive them of this right
is both contrary to the laws and constitution of England, and would reduce
the Americans to a slavery the most deplorable and ignominious.

Resolved, that to surrender the inestimable and unquestioned right which the
people of America have to be taxed by their representatives only would be a
total departure from the dignity of human nature, and would argue such a
baseness of soul, as must render them unworthy of the name of British subjects.

Resolved, that though the members of this meeting do most ardently wish to
see restored the good old system of tenderness and protection on the part of the
mother country, and love and respect on that of the colonies; they are, neverthe-
less, firmly and seriously resolved to do whatever shall be necessary for the sup-
port of the just and equitable claim of a distinct legislation in the colonies.

Resolved, that every encroachment made by British parliament on the rights
of any one of his majesty's colonies or plantations in America ought to be looked
upon as an infringement upon the just rights, and inherent privileges, of the
whole.

Resolved that the only sure and effectual measure to preserve America, and
disarm the hand of oppression, will be to put an entire and immediate stop to all
intercourse of trade with great Britain and the West Indies, and also to the
exportation of wheat, flour, provisions, and lumber, to any part of Europe.

Resolved, that the people of this colony ought not to have any communication
in the way of trade, or otherwise, with any colony or island in North America,
who refuse to unite with them in stopping all trade with Great Britain and the
West Indies, as mentioned above.

Resolved, that it is the duty of this colony to contribute as far as their power
extends to the relief of the inhabitants of Boston, who are now, by the hard
hand of oppression, marked out as the victims of ministerial wrath for their
spirited exertions in the great cause of American freedom, and that subscripti-
ons be immediately set on foot for their relief, under the conduct of the com-
mittee.

Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting, that the courts of justice in
this colony ought to decline trying any civil causes until the grievances of Ame-
rica are redressed.

Resolved, it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting, and is now earnestly
recommended to the late representatives, that they will, when the sense of the
counties can be collected, appoint a meeting at the falls of James river, or some
other convenient place, to fix upon a plan for carrying into execution the mea-
sures proposed by the people, and it is hoped that deputies from the merchants
will attend.

Resolved, that a committee be of the following persons:
John Alexander, Charles Carter, John Washington, Townshend

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Dade, William Hooe, Robert Washington, Henry Fitzhugh, Francis
Thornton, Gerrard Hooe, Nathaniel Washington, Robert Stith, Henry
Fitzhugh, junior, Lawrence Washington, Lawrence Washington, junior,
William Fitzhugh, Marmion, John Stuart, Alvin Moxly, Andrew
Grant, reverend William Stuart,, William Gibon Stuart, John Wadrop,
Baldwin Dade, Thomas Bunbury, junior, Housin
Hooe, Chandler Fowke, Richard Fowke, Thomas Massey, Robert
Yates, Charles Massey, Peter Hansborough, Seymour Hooe, Nehemiah
Mason, Segismund Massey, Samuel Selden, Gowry Waugh, John Fitz-
hugh, Thomas Fitzhugh, Henry Fitzhugh, junior, William Garrard,
William Mountjoy, Peter Daniel, Traverse Daniel, Thomas Mountjoy,
William Mountjoy, junior, John Mountjoy, Allin Waller, John Waller,
Yelverton Peyton, John Browne, reverend Clement Brooke, Elijah
Thrailkill, George Brent, William Brent, Robert Brent, John Mon-
cure, John Bronaugh, Baily Washington, John James, William Adie,
Richard Hewitt, Elias Hoar, John Ralls, Thomas Ludwell Lee, Robert
Knox, John Grigg, John Withers, James Withers, John Murray.

Resolved, that ten of the committee, with the moderator, be sufficient for
transacting business.

Resolved, that JOHN ALEXANDER and CHARLES CARTER, gentle-
men, be chosen to attend the general meeting in Williamsburg, on the first day
of August, to transact business for the inhabitants of Stafford county.
WILLIAM GARRARD, Clerk.

At a meeting of sundry inhabitants and freeholders of the county of
Isle of Wight, at the courthouse, in the town of Smithfield, on Satur-
day the 23d of July, 1774, the reverend HENRY JOHN BURGESS
being unanimously chosen moderator, the following RESOLVES were
entered into.

RESOLVED, that we will ever bear true and faithful allegiance to
his majesty George the third, king of Great Britain, France, and Ire-
land, whom we acknowledge to be true and lawful sovereign of the
British empire in North America, and whose sacred person and rights
we should think ourselves unworthy of the protection of so good a king
were we, by a tame submission to arbitrary power, to surrender our
constitutional rights and liberty into the hands of any of our fellow sub-
jects; and therefore it is further resolved, that as it is an acknowledged
and essential principle of the British constitution that there can be no
taxation without representation, and as the inhabitants of the American
colonies neither are or can be represented in teh parliament of Great
Britain, any attempt of the said parliament to impose a tax on the said
colonies is a flagrant violation of the most valuable privileges we claim,
as free born subjects of a British king.

Resolved, that a late act of the British parliament for stopping the
commerce of the town of Boston, with a professed intention to enforce
obedience to another oppressive act of the said parliament, imposing a
duty on tea imported into America, is, in our opinion, unconstitutional,
tyrannical, and unjust, and threatens destruction to the British constituti-
on in America.

Resolved, therefore, that we consider the invasion of the town of
Boston by a British fleet and army as an attack on the liberty of all
North America, and that we will cordially concur with our American
fellow subjects in supporting our brethren in the province of Massachusetts
Bay, and alleviating the distress in which their opposition to despotic
power has involved them.

Resolved, that we will not use tea, or suffer it to be used, in our re-
spective families, as long as it is subject to a duty imposed by a British
parliament, for the purpose of raising a revenue from America, and that
we will not purchase any East India commodity whatever (drugs and
medicines excepted) until the grievances of America be radically redressed.

Resolved, that we will to the utmost of our power, discountenance
by our advice and example all kinds of luxury and extravagance, and
promote useful manufactures among ourselves.

Resolved, that we will heartily accede to all such further measures for
the preservation of American liberty which shall be adopted by the depu-
ties of the several counties in Virginia, when convened at Williamsburg,
on the first day of the month.

Resolved, that we will have no commercial intercourse (except in the
payment of our just debts) with any person or persons who shall not ac-
cede to such an association as shall be formed by the deputies of the several
counties in this colony on the fist day of next month.

Resolved, that RICHARD HARDY, JOHN SCARSBROOK WILLS,
and JOHN DAY, be requested to represent us in the said general congress.

Resolved, that a copy of these resolutions be inserted in the Virginia
gazette. FRANCIS YOUNG, Clerk.

At a general and full meeting of the inhabitants of the county of Gloucester,
at the courthouse of the said county, after due notice, on Thursday the 14th
of July, 1774, JAMES HUBARD, esquire, judge of the said county court,
being unanimously chosen moderator, they came to the following resolves:

RESOLVED, that we will ever maintain and defend his majesty's right
and title to the crown of Great Britain, and his dominions in America, to
whose royal person we profess the firmest attachement.

Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting, that taxation and repre-
sentation are inseparable, and that as we are not, and from the nature of
things cannot, be represented in British parliament, every attempt of that body
to impose internal taxes on American is arbitrary, unconstitutional, and op-
pressive.

Resolved, that the act for blocking up the harbor of Boston, and other
purposes therein mentioned, is cruel and unjust, and a convincing proof of the
fixed intention of parliament to deprive America of her constitutional rights and
liberties.

Resolved, that the cause of Boston is the common cause of all America, and
that we will firmly unite with the other counties in this colony, and the other
colonies on this continent, in every measure that may be thought necessary on
this alarming occasion.

Resolved, that we do most heartily concur with our late representatives in
their resolve of the total disuse of tea, and do farther resolve against the use of
any East India commodity whatsoever, except saltpetre.

Resolved, that we will not import, or purchase when imported, any mer-
chandize or commodities from Great Britain, and that at a short day, here-
after to be fixed, we will stop all exports to Great Britain, until there is a
total repeal of the Boston port act, all the several acts imposing taxes in Ame-
rica, for the purpose of raising a revenue, and those other acts made particu-
larly against our brethren of the Massachusetts Bay, an account of their noble
opposition to the late revenue acts.

Resolved, that should our sister colonies of Maryland and North Carolina
determine not to export their tobacco to Great Britain, we will be far from
availing ourselves of their patriotic resolution, by continuing to export ours.

Resolved, that we will submit to any resolutions that may be entered into,
either by the deputies of the several counties in this colony at Williamsburg, or
by the general congress of the colonies on the continent.

Resolved, that we will not deal with any person or persons in this county
who will not sign this association, and strictly and literally conform to every
distinct article thereof, nor with any other person or persons who will not sign,
and strictly confirm, to the particular resolves of their representative counties, but
will forever despise and detest them, as enemies to American liberty.

Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting, that immediately upon the
no-exportation plan taking place, neither the gentlemen of the bar, nor any
other person, ought to bring any suit for the recovery of any debt, or prosecute
farther any suit already brought, during the continuance of these resolutions, it
being utterly inconsistent with such scheme for any man to be compelled to pay
without the means wherewith he may pay.

Resolved, that we do most cordially approve of the intended meeting of the
late burgesses, on the 1st of August next at Williamsburg, and do depute
Thomas Whiting and Lewis Burwell, esquires, our late worthy representa-
tives, to consult with the deputies of the several counties of this colony, and
to adopt such measures as are agreeable to the foregoing resolutions, hereby
engaging, on our parts, to conform thereto, and to support the same to the
utmost of our power.

Resolved, that the clerk of this meeting transmit to the printers of both ga-
zettes copies of the above resolves, with the request of the county to insert them
in their papers. JASPER CLAYTON. Clerk

At a general meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants of the county
of Caroline, at the courthouse, on Thursday the 14th of July, 1774,
assembled for the purpose of deliberating and giving their sentiments upon
the present state of affairs in America, and what ought to be done at this
most alarming crisis, the following points were agitated and agreed to as
the opinion of this county.

THAT the design of our meeting may not be misinterpreted, we think
it proper to declare, what would otherwise be unnecessary, that we will
preserve all due obedience and fidelity to the royal person and govern-
ment of his sacred majesty king George the third, and that we will at
all times, when called on for that purpose, maintain and defend, at the
expence of our lives and fortunes, his majesty's right and title to the
crown of Great Britain, and his dominions in America.

That a firm union and mutual intercourse, and reciprocation of inter-
ests and affections, between Great Britain and her colonies, is desirable
and beneficial to both, and that whoever shall go about to dissolve that
union, by attempting to deprive the colonists of their just rights on the
one hand, or to effect their independence on the other, ought ever to
be considered as a common enemy to the whole community.

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That for Americans to be exempted from every kind of taxation, ex-
cept by the content of their own representatives, in their several pro-
vincial assemblies, to be heard in their defence when accused of crimes,
and tried by their peers, are rights they derive from natural justice, the
British constitution (to which they are equally entitled with their fellow
subjects in Great Britain) and from constant usage, so long as the true
principles of the constitution have been suffered to direct the public coun-
sels.

That the British parliament, in their several acts for imposing a duty
upon tea, to be paid in America, for blocking up the harbour and stop-
ping the commerce of the town of Boston in the Massachusetts Bay, for
supposed offences, with which they were charged and condemned unheard,
for altering the form of that government established by charter and long
usage, and for empowering his majesty to order persons charged with
certain offences committed in America to be carried to Great Britain
and there tried, have been influenced by evil counsellors to depart from
the true principles of the constitution, and to violate the most sacred
and important rights of Americans, from which they can never depart.

That those acts, whether intended to operate only in one province, or
generally in all, ought to be considered as the common cause, and that a
firm and indissoluble union and association of the whole ought to be
formed, to oppose their operation, by every just and proper means; to
effect which, we think the sending deputies from each province, to
meet in a general congress, will be a very proper measure, and we de-
sire our delegates may unite with others in the general meeting for this
colony in electing such deputies.

That tea being the subject of the tax complained of, and the East
India company having acted ungenerously in sending great quantities of
it to America to fix the precedent of taxation, though desired to forbear,
we most cordially concur with the late representatives of this colony to
disuse tea, and not to purchase any East India commodities from hence-
forth, until the just rights of America be restored.

That a general association between all American colonies not to
import from Great Britain any commodity whatsoever ought to be en_
tered into and not dissolved till the just rights of the said colonies are re-
stored to them, and the cruel acts of British parliament against the Mas-
sachusetts Bay and town of Boston are repealed.

That it is the undoubted privilege and indispensible duty of the repre-
sentatives of the people of this colony, when met in general assembly
, to deliberate freely upon all invasions of the rights, liberties, or proper-
ties, of their constituents, and consider of the proper means of redress,
and therefore that the interposition of the executive power here, by
mandate from the ministry, to dissolve the assembly, whenever they
complain of attempts to destroy those rights, tends to deprive us of all
benefit from a legislature, and it is evidence of the fixed intention of the
ministry to reduce the colonies to a state of slavery.

That in this distressed situation of our affairs all luxury, dissipation,
and extravagance, ought to be banished from among us, and every kind
of manufacture, industry, and economy, encouraged.

That the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs our popu-
lation by freemen, manufactures, and others, who would emigrate from
Europe and settle here, and occasions an annual balance of trade against
the country; and therefore that the purchase of all imported slaves
ought to be associated against.

Though we are happily allowed to proceed to the choice of new repre-
sentatives, yet as the return of the writs is made to the 11th of August,
and there is reason to doubt the assembly may not be held at that time,
we think it highly expedient there should be a meeting at Williamsburg
on the 1st of August, as appointed, to consider fully of the several
matters herein before mentioned, and appoint EDMUND PENDLETON
and JAMES TAYLOR, esquires, deputies, on our parts, to meet such as
shall be named for other counties and corporations, at Williamsburg, or
such other place as may be agreed on, on the day aforesaid, or any other
time, to deliberate freely, and agree to the above resolutions, or any
other that may be judged more expedient for the general purpose intended.
WILLIAM NELSON, Clerk.

At a meeting of the loyal and patriotic people of the county of Hen-
rico, at their courthouse, on the 15th of July, the following ADDRESS
to their late worthy representatives was agreed on and signed by a great
number of freeholders.

To RICHARD ADAMS and SAMUEL DU VAL, esquires.

We the subscribers, freeholders of the county of Henrico, assembled
for the purpose of deliberating on the present posture of public affairs,
return you our thanks for the part you acted in the late assembly as our
burgesses.

When we reflect on the alarming and critical situation of things re-
specting the mother country our minds are filled with the most anxious
concern. The acts of the British parliament, made for punishing the
inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, are repugnant to the first principles
of justice, and if they are suffered to have a full operation, will not only
crush our sister colony, and involve the guilty and innocent in one com-
mon ruin, but will stand as a fatal precedent to future times for adopting
the same fatal measures towards this and every other British colony.
We therefore have passed this determination, and shall conduct ourselves
conformably, that the cause of the colony of Massachusetts Bay in gene-
ral, and of the town of Boston in particular, is the cause of this and
ever other colony in North America.

We hope, gentlemen, that the exceeding great importance of the
present crisis will plead our excuse for giving you our sentiments touching
that conduct which we wish you to observe in the ensuing congress on the
1st day of August next, at Williamsburg, to which we depute you to act
on our behalf.

With grief and astonishment we behold Great Britain adopting a mode
of government towards her colonies totally incompatible with our safety
and happiness; we cannot submit to be taxed by her parliament; we
cannot sit still and see the harbour of Boston blocked up by an armed
force; we cannot behold without indignation the charter rights of a sister
colony violated, or the form of its government changed by an act of par-
liament, as derogatory to the honour of the mother country as it is re-
pugnant to justice; and lastly, we will not suffer our fellow subjects to
be seized and transported beyond sea to be tries for supposed offences
committed here. If these things are suffered to be reduced to practice we
shall account ourselves the most miserable of men, unworthy of the name
of freemen; we shall not wonder if in future we are treated as slaves.

We therefore most solemnly charge and conjure you to use your best
endeavours to save us from these calamities. We earnestly entreat you
for your utmost exertion to procure, by all possible ways and means, a
total repal of the late oppressive and detestable acts of parliament. We
trust you will heartily concur in such measures as the said congress shall
judge most efficacious, to preserve our ancient rights; for be assured, gen-
tlemen, that nothing shall ever induce form us a submission to tyranny,
and that we resolve, once for all, to live and die freemen.

In order to effect those desirable ends, we give it as our opinion that
the most effectual method of opposing the said several acts of parliament
will be, that a general association between all the American colonies
ought immediately ot e entered into, not to import from Great Britain
any commodity whatsoever, except such articles as the general congress
shall judge necessary, until the just rights of the colonies are restored to
them, and the cruel acts of the British parliament against the colony of
Massachusetts Bay and town of Boston are repealed.

A love of justice, and the tender regard we have for our friends the
merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain, to whom we are indebted,
and who must of course suffer in the common cause prevents our re-
commending the stopping our exports at this time; but at a future day
we will heartily concur with the other counties of this colony to stop all
exports, as well as imports, to and from Great Britain, unless what we
have already recommended to you shall be found effectual.

We most cordially recommend that no time be lost in administering
every comfort and aid to our distressed brethren of Boston that their un-
happy state may require, and may comport with our situation to afford.

We further recommend to you that you will, in conjunction with the
deputies from the different counties of this colony, chuse fit and proper
persons, on the part of this colony, to meet the deputies from the other
colonies in a general congress, at such convenient time and place as shall
be agreed on, then and there to advise and consult upon such measures,
as, under the circumstances of things at that time, they shall deem ex-
pedient.

We strictly charge and enjoin, that at all times, and on all occasions,
which may present, you testify our zeal for his majesty's person and go-
vernment, and that we are ready and willing, with or lives and fortunes,
to support his right to the crown of Great Britain, and all its depend-
encies.

At a meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the county
of Elizabeth City, and town of Hampton, assembled at the courthouse
the 25th day of July, 1774, to consider of instructions to our late mem-
bers, or to those persons who shall be chosen our representatives at the
ensuing election, HENRY KING, esquire, being chosen moderator, and
M> ROBERT BRIGHT, clerk, the following RESOLVES were agreed
to.

RESOLVED, that the people of this county and town are strongly
attached from principle and education to his present majesty king George

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